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Testamentin runon analyysi (M. Ju. Lermontov)

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Михаил Лермонтов — Завещание: Стих Mihail Lermontov — Testamentti: jae

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Toinen Lermontovin runon "Testamentti" analyysi

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Mihail Jurjevitš Lermontov

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Tonttianalyysi: "Testamentti" Lermontov M.Yu.

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Erityisesti Barbara ei ollut varma mistään sellasesta kuin Lermontovin tunteet. Hiän ei vain hämmentynyt häntä käyttäytymisestään, joskus tuntui hiänelle, että hän vain pilkkaisi hiäntä. Niinpä hän yllättäen teki jäätyneen kylmyyden ja siellä hän oli makea, ystävällinen ystävällisellä tavalla ja vastusti sitten vastavuoroisuuden ja todellisen intohimon puutetta. Hänen kylmyytensä oli tarkoitettu hiänelle rangaistuksena jotakin myyttistä petosta. Hiän oli kovaa sellaisen jatkuvan vaihtelevuuden, suhteiden herkkyyden suhteen. Hiän epäili itsestään - hänestä. Ja periaatteessa oikeudenmukainen. Näiden rakkauksien epäilyistä kasvoi kuitenkin voimakkaampi ja ei kadonnut.
ellauri135.html on line 930: Lermontov ryntäsi aluksi tunteesta toiselle, yhdeltä naiselta toiselle, mutta aika osoittautui: rakkaus Barbara Lopukhinaa kohtaan koki kaiken ja kaikki. Hän omisti runoja ja Sushkovaa, joka vastasi hänen tunteisiinsa niin myöhään, kun he alkoivat hämmentyä, ja Natalia Ivanovaa (N.F.I., jonka nimikirjaimet pysyivät mysteerinä pitkään) - runoilija oli rakastunut eikä ollut johdonmukainen.
ellauri140.html on line 34: "Se ei osaa raakkua oikealla äänellä. Se ei osaa varisten kieltä. Muut varixet eivät pidä siitä." "Sen siitä saa kun kesyyntyy. Ihmisen tahra", Fauni sanoi vailla inhoa tai halvexuntaa tai edes tuomiota, ihan iloisesti. Epäpuhtaus, julmuus, hyväxikäyttö, erhe, paska, runkku - muuta tapaa täällä oloon ei ole. Tai en ainakaan minä ole löytänyt. Sillä ei ole mitään tekemistä armon tai pelastuxen tai lunastuxeen menon kanssa. Se on kaikissa sisäänrakennettuna. Lajiominaisuutena. Fläkki joka on olemassa ennen jättämäänsä jälkeä. Fläkki edeltää tottelemattomuutta (?), hämmentää kaikki selityxet ja ymmärtämisen. Sixi kaikki puhaaminen on vaan vizi. Barbaarinen vizi. Se on kauhistuttavaa. Eikö pyrkimys puhtauteen ole epäpuhtautta? Faunia oli kuin kreikkalaiset, jonka jumalat on pikkumaisia (toisin kuin juutalaisten, LOL). Riitelevät, tappelevat, vihaavat, tappelevat naivat. Zeus yhtyy naiseen oudosti metrin mittaisella kyrvällä siipiään viuhtovana jouzenena. Irstautta, turmelusta, karkeista karkeimpia nautintoja, ja kaikkinäkevän vaimon raivo. Juutalaisten jumala on äärettömän yxinäinen, tuntematon, monomaaninen, jolla ei ole mitään tähdellisempää tekemistä kuin hermoilla jutkuista. Tai kristittyjen epäsexuaalinen kakkosjumala, yhtä tahraton kuin äitinsä, joka synnyttää tahatonta hilpeyttä ja myötähäpeää. Jumalat on tekijänsä kuvia." "Se kai siinä on traagista kun ihmiset synnyttävät varixia", sanoi tyttö joka syötti käärmeelle hiiriä. Feeding frogs to snakes. "Ne eivät tunnista omaa lajiaan. Sitä sanotaan tahriintumisexi", tyttö selitti. Peppu on oikeasti varis joka ei tiedä miten ollaan varis. Ei tähän kanteen tahraa jää kun äiti pois sen pyyhältää. Pieni nelkkari kovakantinen kirja jossa söpöjen elukoiden kuvia ja kullattu selkämys. Varisten kultainen kirja. Peppu oli siisteysintoilija, se ei sietänyt epäjärjestystä. Anaalis-retentiivinen luonne. Kaikki vanhat prujut talletettuna satoihin pahvilaatikoihin, shekinkannatkin. Niistä riitelevät haaskalla muut varixet vielä tänäänkin. (s. 126) Mä oon VAAAAALMIS. Tuu PYYYHKIMÄÄN.
ellauri140.html on line 58: Book IV, despite its title "The Legend of Cambell and Telamond or Of Friendship", Cambell's companion in Book IV is actually named Triamond, and the plot does not center on their friendship; the two men appear only briefly in the story. The book is largely a continuation of events begun in Book III. First, Scudamore is convinced by the hag Ate (discord) that Britomart has run off with Amoret and becomes jealous. A three-day tournament is then held by Satyrane, where Britomart beats Arthegal (both in disguise). Scudamore and Arthegal unite against Britomart, but when her helmet comes off in battle Arthegal falls in love with her. He surrenders, removes his helmet, and Britomart recognizes him as the man in the enchanted mirror. Arthegal pledges his love to her but must first leave and complete his quest. Scudamore, upon discovering Britomart's sex, realizes his mistake and asks after his lady, but by this time Britomart has lost Amoret, and she and Scudamore embark together on a search for her. The reader discovers that Amoret was abducted by a savage man and is imprisoned in his cave. One day Amoret darts out past the savage and is rescued from him by the squire Timias and Belphoebe. Arthur then appears, offering his service as a knight to the lost woman. She accepts, and after a couple of trials on the way, Arthur and Amoret finally happen across Scudamore and Britomart. The two lovers are reunited. Wrapping up a different plotline from Book III, the recently recovered Marinel discovers Florimell suffering in Proteus' dungeon. He returns home and becomes sick with love and pity. Eventually he confesses his feelings to his mother, and she pleads with Neptune to have the girl released, which the god grants.
ellauri140.html on line 64: Siinä se. Noita kahta vikaa kirjaa ei Wikipediakaan jaxanut enää lukea. Sexikohtauxet puuttuvat. Ritarillisista hyveistä on mulla entinenkin paasaus. Varmaan tääkin eepos on yhtä kliseinen kuin kaikki muutkin. No voihan sitä vähän matkaa kaalata, mutten vitussa kyllä ala koko paskaa suomentamaan! En! EN! Johan siinä menis ikä sekä terveys.
ellauri140.html on line 80: Artefact M+ (or Artegal or Arthegal or Arthegall), a knight who is the embodiment and champion of Justice. He meets Britomart after defeating her in a sword fight (she had been dressed as a knight) and removing her helmet, revealing her beauty. Artefact quickly falls in love with Britomart. Artefact has a companion in Talus, a metal man who wields a flail and never sleeps or tires but will mercilessly pursue and kill any number of villains. Talus obeys Artefact's command, and serves to represent justice without mercy (hence, Artefact is the more human face of justice). Later, Talus does not rescue Artefact from enslavement by the wicked slave-mistress Radigund, because Artefact is bound by a legal contract to serve her. Only her death, at Britomart's hands, liberates him. Chrysaor was the golden sword of Sir Artefact. This sword was also the favorite weapon of Demeter, the Greek goddess of the harvest. Because it was "Tempred with Adamant", it could cleave through anything.
ellauri140.html on line 82: Arttu M+ perkele, nuorin Puukon veljexistä, of the Round Table, but playing a different role here. He is madly in love with the Faerie Queene and spends his time in pursuit of her when not helping the other knights out of their sundry predicaments. Prince Arthur is the Knight of Magnificence, the perfection of all virtues. Kyllä kai. Puukon veljexet sitoi dynamiittipötkyn koiran selkään. Koira juoxi taloon sisälle. Arttu perässä. Eipä tarvinnut enää suursiivota.
ellauri140.html on line 88: Brit-o-mart F+, a female knight, the embodiment and champion of Chastity. She is young and beautiful, and falls in love with Artefact upon first seeing his face in her father's magic mirror. Though there is no interaction between them, she travels to find him again, dressed as a knight and accompanied by her nurse, Glauce. Britomart carries an enchanted spear that allows her to defeat every knight she encounters, until she loses to a knight who turns out to be her beloved Artefact. (Parallel figure in Ariosto: Bradamante.) Britomart is one of the most important knights in the story. She searches the world, including a pilgrimage to the shrine of Isis, and a visit with Merlin the magician. She rescues Artefact, and several other knights, from the evil slave-mistress Radigund. Furthermore, Britomart accepts Amoret at a tournament, refusing the false Florimell.
ellauri140.html on line 124: Satyriasis M+-, a wild half-satyr man raised in the wild and the epitome of natural human potency. Tamed by Una, he protects her, but ends up locked in a battle against the chaotic Sansloy, which remains unconcluded. Satyrane finds Florimell´s sanitary napkin, which she drops while falling off from a beast. He holds a three-day tournament for the right to possess the girl. His Knights of Maidenhead win the day with Britomart´s help.
ellauri140.html on line 138: Throughout The Faerie Queene, Spenser creates "a network of allusions to events, issues, and particular persons in England and Ireland" including Mary, Queen of Scots, the Spanish Armada, the English Reformation, and even the Queen herself. It is also known that James VI of Scotland read the poem, and was very insulted by Duessa – a very negative depiction of his mother, Mary, Queen of Scots. She was a crocodile in the book. The Faerie Queene was then banned in Scotland. This led to a significant decrease in Elizabeth's support for the poem. Within the text, both the Faerie Queene and Belphoebe serve as two of the many personifications of Queen Elizabeth, some of which are "far from complimentary". Through their ancestor, Owen Tudor, the Tudors had Welsh blood, through which they claimed to be descendants of Arthur and rightful rulers of Britain.
ellauri140.html on line 146: According to Richard Simon Keller, George Lucas's Star Wars film also contains elements of a loose adaptation, as well as being influenced by other works, with parallels including the story of the Red Cross Knight championing Una against the evil Archipelago in the original compared with Lucas's Luke Skywalker, Princess Leia, and Darth Vader. Keller sees extensive parallels between the film and book one of Spenser's work, stating "Almost everything of importance that we see in the Star Wars movie has its origin in The Faerie Queene, from small details of weaponry and dress to large issues of chivalry and spirituality". Olix Dispenserillä valomiekkoja ja muovihaarniskoita? Tuhoplaneettoja? Täytyypä tutustua. No ainakin on sexirobotteja. She is not a toy!
ellauri140.html on line 178: Wrath (M) – He carries a branding iron and a dagger as he rides a lion. His clothes are ripped and contain blood stains. He acts quickly in fits of rage, but often repents; "Ne car'd for blood in his avengement: / But when the furious fitt was overpast, / His cruel facts he often would repent. Vihan vika ei ole vihaaminen as such, vaan äkkipikasuus, harkinnan puute. Don't get mad, get even. Olkaa viattomia kuin pulut ja kavalia kuin käärmeet.
ellauri140.html on line 209: In the year after being driven from "his home", 1599, Spenser travelled to London, where he died at the age of forty-six – "for want of bread", according to Ben Jonson; one of Jonson's more doubtful statements, since Spenser had a payment to him authorised by the government and was due his pension (What the fuck, ei kaxitonnisella vuodessa vielä kuuhun mennä.)
ellauri140.html on line 226: The song was written by then Staff Sgt. Barry Sadler, beginning when he was training to be a Special Forces medic. The author Robin Moore, who wrote the book, The Green Berets, helped Sadler write the lyrics and get a recording contract with RCA Records. The demo of the song was produced in a rudimentary recording studio at Fort Bragg, with the help of Gerry Gitell and LTG William P. Yarborough.
ellauri140.html on line 228: The lyrics were written, in part, in honor of U.S. Army Specialist 5 James Gabriel, Jr., a Special Forces operator and the first native Hawaiian to die in Vietnam, who was killed by Viet Cong gunfire while on a training mission with the South Vietnamese Army on April 8, 1962. One verse mentioned Gabriel by name, but it was not used in the recorded version.
ellauri140.html on line 232: Barry Sadler was a twenty-five year old active duty Green Beret medic in 1966 when he first performed “Ballad of the Green Berets” on The Ed Sullivan Show. The song soon reached number one in the charts and eventually sold eight million copies. Sadler’s performance and the song’s popularity celebrated The Green Berets as the ultimate example of American military prowess, bravery and commitment. It fed into a specific postwar representation of modernity that was soon to be challenged by the escalation of the war in Vietnam.
ellauri140.html on line 365: Of needments at his backe. Thus as they past, Pitkässä hihnassa lyhkäsessä selässä.
ellauri140.html on line 450: But full of fire and greedy hardiment, Mut täynnä tulta (vaikka ilman savua)
ellauri140.html on line 692: Ne looke for entertainement, where none was: Ei siellä ollut mitään viihdekeskusta,
ellauri140.html on line 694: The noblest mind the best contentment has. Saa jalo nuppi, äijä höylätä.
ellauri140.html on line 754: Tethys (m.kreik. Τηθύς) oli kreikkalaisessa mytologiassa Uranoksen ja Gaian tytär. Hän oli titaani ja meren jumalatar, joka oli sekä sisko että vaimo Okeanokselle. Tethys oli maailman pääjokien ja noin kolmentuhannen tyttären, joita kutsuttiin okeanideiksi, äiti. Hän on Thalassan, merivesien ruumiillistuman vihreävetinen vastine. Tethys on jäinen kappale, samankaltainen kuin Dione ja Rhea. Tethyksen tiheys on 1,21 g/cm³, mikä viittaa siihen, että se koostuu lähes pelkästään vesijäästä. Tethyksen pinta on hyvin kraatteroitunutta ja siinä on jään murtumisen seurauksena runsaasti halkeamia. Tethyksellä on kaksi erilaista maastotyyppiä.
ellauri140.html on line 874: With gentle blandishment and lovely looke, Sievästi twerkaten ja olan yli kazellen,
ellauri140.html on line 1007: Where that false couple were full closely ment Missä silikonipari on täydessä touhussa
ellauri140.html on line 1008: In wanton lust and leud embracement: Kuka päällä kuka alla, vaikee sanoa,
ellauri140.html on line 1016: Returning to his bed in torment great, Se palas vuoteeseen äimän käkenä,
ellauri141.html on line 66: Testamentissaan Maecenas pyysi että Augustus pitäisi huolta Horatiuksen asioista. Kovinkaan kauan ei keisarin tarvinnut sitä tehdä, sillä runoilija kuoli vain muutaman viikon mesenaattinsa jälkeen. Horatius haudattiin Roomaan Esquilinus kukkulalle.
ellauri141.html on line 111: At his house, probably, Horace became intimate with Polio, and the many persons of consideration whose friendship he appears to have enjoyed. Through Mæcenas, also, it is probable Horace was introduced to Augustus; but when that happened is uncertain. In B. C. 37, Mæcenas was deputed by Augustus to meet M. Antonius at Brundisium, and he took Horace with him on that journey, of which a detailed account is given in the fifth Satire of the first book. Horace appears to have parted from the rest of the company at Brundisium, and perhaps returned to Rome by Tarentum and Venusia. (See S. i. 5, Introduction.) Between this journey and B. C. 32, Horace received from his friend the present of a small estate in the valley of the Digentia (Licenza), situated about thirty-four miles from Rome, and fourteen from Tibur, in the Sabine country. Of this property he gives a description in his Epistle to Quintius (i. 16), and he appears to have lived there a part of every year, and to have been fond of the place, which was very quiet and retired, being four miles from the nearest town, Varia (Vico Varo), a municipium perhaps, but not a place of any importance. During this interval he continued to write Satires and Epodes, but also, it appears probable, some of the Odes, which some years later he published, and others which he did not publish. These compositions, no doubt, were seen by his friends, and were pretty well known before any of them were collected for publication. The first book of the Satires was published probably in B. C. 35, the Epodes in B. C. 30, and the second book of Satires in the following year, when Horace was about thirty-five years old. When Augustus returned from Asia, in B. C. 29, and closed the gates of Janus, being the acknowledged head of the republic, Horace appeared among his most hearty adherents. He wrote on this occasion one of his best Odes (i. 2), and employed his pen in forwarding those reforms which it was the first object of Augustus to effect. (See Introduction to C. ii. 15.) His most striking Odes appear, for the most part, to have been written after the establishment of peace. Some may have been written before, and probably were. But for some reason it would seem that he gave himself more to lyric poetry after his thirty-fifth year than he had done before. He had most likely studied the Greek poets while he was at Athens, and some of his imitations may have been written early. If so, they were most probably improved and polished, from time to time, (for he must have had them by him, known perhaps only to a few friends, for many years,) till they became the graceful specimens of artificial composition that they are. Horace continued to employ himself in this kind of writing (on a variety of subjects, convivial, amatory, political, moral,—some original, many no doubt suggested by Greek poems) till B. C. 24, when there are reasons for thinking the first three books of the Odes were published. During this period, Horace appears to have passed his time at Rome, among the most distinguished men of the day, or at his house in the country, paying occasional visits to Tibur, Præneste, and Baiæ, with indifferent health, which required change of air. About the year B. C. 26 he was nearly killed by the falling of a tree, on his own estate, which accident he has recorded in one of his Odes (ii. 13), and occasionally refers to; once in the same stanza with a storm in which he was nearly lost off Cape Palinurus, on the western coast of Italy. When this happened, nobody knows. After the publication of the three books of Odes, Horace seems to have ceased from that style of writing, or nearly so; and the only other compositions we know of his having produced in the next few years are metrical Epistles to different friends, of which he published a volume probably in B. C. 20 or 19. He seems to have taken up the study of the Greek philosophical writers, and to have become a good deal interested in them, and also to have been a little tired of the world, and disgusted with the jealousies his reputation created. His health did not improve as he grew older, and he put himself under the care of Antonius Musa, the emperor’s new physician. By his advice he gave up, for a time at least, his favorite Baiæ. But he found it necessary to be a good deal away from Rome, especially in the autumn and winter.
ellauri141.html on line 113: In B. C. 17, Augustus celebrated the Ludi Seculares, and Horace was required to write an Ode for the occasion, which he did, and it has been preserved. This circumstance, and the credit it brought him, may have given his mind another leaning to Ode-writing, and have helped him to produce the fourth book, a few pieces in which may have been written at any time. It is said that Augustus particularly desired Horace to publish another book of Odes, in order that those he wrote upon the victories of Drusus and Tiberius (4 and 14) might appear in it. The latter of these Odes was not written, probably, till B. C. 13, when Augustus returned from Gaul. If so, the book was probably published in that year, when Horace was fifty-two. The Odes of the fourth book show no diminution of power, but the reverse. There are none in the first three books that surpass, or perhaps equal, the Ode in honor of Drusus, and few superior to that which is addressed to Lollius. The success of the first three books, and the honor of being chosen to compose the Ode at the Ludi Seculares, seem to have given him encouragement. There are no incidents in his life during the above period recorded or alluded to in his poems. He lived five years after the publication of the fourth book of Odes, if the above date be correct, and during that time, I think it probable, he wrote the Epistles to Augustus and Florus which form the second book; and having conceived the intention of writing a poem on the art and progress of poetry, he wrote as much of it as appears in the Epistle to the Pisones which has been preserved among his works. It seems, from the Epistle to Florus, that Horace at this time had to resist the urgency of friends begging him to write, one in this style and another in that, and that he had no desire to gratify them and to sacrifice his own ease to a pursuit in which it is plain he never took any great delight. He was likely to bring to it less energy as his life was drawing prematurely to a close, through infirmities either contracted or aggravated during his irrational campaigning with Brutus, his inaptitude for which he appears afterwards to have been perfectly aware of. He continued to apply himself to the study of moral philosophy till his death, which took place, according to Eusebius, on the 27th of November, B. C. 8, in the fifty-seventh year of his age, and within a few days of its completion. Mæcenas died the same year, also towards the close of it; a coincidence that has led some to the notion, that Horace hastened his own death that he might not have the pain of surviving his patron. According to Suetonius, his death (which he places after his fifty-ninth year) was so sudden, that he had not time to execute his will, which is opposed to the notion of suicide. The two friends were buried near one another “in extremis Esquiliis,” in the farthest part of the Esquiliæ, that is, probably, without the city walls, on the ground drained and laid out in gardens by Mæcenas.
ellauri141.html on line 260: venterque mollis et femur tumentibus your flabby paunch and scrawny thighs
ellauri141.html on line 291: fomenta volnus nil malum levantia, haavakääreet jotka eivät poista tautia,
ellauri141.html on line 305: In Epode 11, the iambist regretfully recalls to his friend Pettius his infatuation with a girl named Inachia. The latter name does not occur elsewhere in extant Latin or Greek except in the very next poem in the Gedichtbuch, where the iambist’s older (ex-)lover complains of his sexual endurance with Inachia in contrast to his impotence with her (12.14-6). The name may suggest an ethnically Greek or Argive woman, or the Greek noms de lit regularly adopted by Italian meretrices. Yet, as some (but by no means all) commentators have noted, the name also evokes Io, the daughter of Inachus, jota Zeus bylsi härän hahmossa. Eli kyllä tässäkin yhden kynäilijän mielestä on jotain impotenssin käryä.
ellauri141.html on line 356: Elementary, my dear Watson, that is what it quite obviously is.
ellauri141.html on line 361: Tument tibi cum inguina, num si When your loins swell with fire, and if
ellauri141.html on line 453: voce quos reddas: minuentur atrae rakastettavalla mun oodeja, ne vaimentaa
ellauri141.html on line 516: From 1917 he began to experiment with his own versions of Horace. See Thomas Pinney (Ed.) Letters IV pp. 439-40. In 1920, he and a group of friends published Q. Horatii Flacci Carminum Liber Quintus (Horace, Book V) a collection of parodies in English and Latin, which included "A Translation". "Lollius" was specially written for the book, which also included "The Pro-Consuls". See also three later poems linked to stories in Debits and Credits (1926); “The Portent”, “The Survival” and “The Last Ode.”.
ellauri141.html on line 533: The spoof book of late Horace (it refers to contemporary politicians such as Lloyd George, gas masks, land girls, daylight saving, spiritualism, canteens and so on) which came out in 1920, was inspired by a long tradition in English literature and by Kipling’s early imitation odes and Charles Graves’s Hawarden Horace (1894) and More Hawarden Horace (1896, with a delightful introduction by T. E. Page), where felicitous modernising English versions of the Odes (and an Epode) are put in the mouth of Gladstone (251) . A[lfred] D[enis] Godley, for one, had often imagined Greek and Roman authors as still alive and commenting on nineteenth- and twentieth-century Oxford and England. (252) Kipling delighted in humorous verse. In 1917 he had enjoyed Maurice Baring’s Translations (found in a commonplace book) (253) .
ellauri141.html on line 560: scrutante quam si mente profundius, Of what the unaltered Gods require,
ellauri141.html on line 569: The ‘editor’ of the Latin text was the clever versifier A. D. Godley of Oxford. (267) He contributed graceful acknowledgements (268) and a hilarious preface about the (fictitious) manuscripts, which parodies the standard praefatio of an Oxford Classical Text (brown-covered in those days like the spoof). (269) There is a learned apparatus criticus about disputed or variant ms. readings. He did the Latin poems, together with his Oxford colleagues and friends John Powell (270) and Ronald Knox (271) and the Etonian and former Cambridge undergraduate A. B. Ramsay. (272) There is an appendix of alternative Latin versions which the translators obviously could not bear to waste. Kipling contributed a schoolboyish prose version of ‘The Pro-consuls’: ‘the sixth ode, as it seems, rendered into English prose by a scholiast of uncertain period’, which starts:
ellauri141.html on line 573: This, though now ascribed to a pedant rather than a boy, is clearly what Kipling had mentioned to Fletcher earlier:
ellauri141.html on line 575: … I’ve got a new Fifth Booker whereof Hankinson Ma. is preparing the translation. It came out in the Times ever so long ago [1905] under the title The Pro-Consuls but I perceive now that Horace wrote it. Rather a big effort for him and on a higher plane than usual – unless he’d been deliberately flattering some friend in Government. I’ll send it along.
ellauri141.html on line 620:

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Jabal

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Iuppiter omnipotens, audacibus adnue coeptis.

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anarchist

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Ueber die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues und ihren Einfluss auf die geistige Entwicklung des Menschengeschlechz

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