ellauri051.html on line 1614: 1007 (This day I am jetting the stuff of far more arrogant republics.) 1007 (Tänä päivänä huutelen paljon ylimielisempien tasavaltojen tavaraa.)
ellauri063.html on line 130: Populismin vastakohta on senatismi. SPQR, sanoivat patriisit ja antoivat plebeijien pitää pieniä kansankokouxia, rökittäen toisiaan. MAGA-presidentti matkusti Gruusiaan kertomaan paikallisille apinoille, että nyt on isänmaa vaarassa. Pelastakaa Amerikka kommunismilta! Palauttakaa mut presidentin pallille! Oh, and yes, vote republican for senator by all means. Although I dont directly WANT to talk for others but me to be elected anywhere.
ellauri083.html on line 219: Madame Thérèse Defarge is perhaps the principal revolutionary villain in Charles Dickens's 1959 novel A Tale of Two Cities; she knits into her needlework the names of the royalists and aristocrats who must be condemned to the guillotine to make way for the new republic. Sen virkasisar Lohtu kutoi silkkiä vastapuolella barrikaadia ja sai porttikiellon kommunistikiinasta.
ellauri089.html on line 200: Whenever they manage to make some stake, an inconveniently timed change into a new alternate reality throws them off their stride (once, the money they earned is left behind in another reality; in another case, the paper money earned in a Mexico which is an empire is worthless in another Mexico which is a republic). These repeated misfortunes, clearly effected by some malevolent entity, make the hero identify with the Biblical Job.
ellauri094.html on line 654: The body of Algernon Charles Swinburne’s poetry is so vast and varied that it is difficult to generalize about it. Swinburne wrote poetry for more than sixty years, and in that time he treated an enormous variety of subjects and employed many poetic forms and meters. He wrote English and Italian sonnets, elegies, odes, lyrics, dramatic monologues, ballads, and romances; and he experimented with the rondeau, the ballade, and the sestina. Much of this poetry is marked by a strong lyricism and a self-conscious, formal use of such rhetorical devices as alliteration, assonance, repetition, personification, and synecdoche. Swinburne’s brilliant self-parody, “Nephilidia,” hardly exaggerates the excessive rhetoric of some of his earlier poems. The early A Song of Italy would have more effectively conveyed its extreme republican sentiments had it been more restrained. As it is, content is too often lost in verbiage, leading a reviewer for The Athenaeum to remark that “hardly any literary bantling has been shrouded in a thicker veil of indefinite phrases.” A favorite technique of Swinburne is to reiterate a poem’s theme in a profusion of changing images until a clear line of development is lost. “The Triumph of Time” is an example. Here the stanzas can be rearranged without loss of effect. This poem does not so much develop as accrete. Clearly a large part of its greatness rests in its music. As much as any other poet, Swinburne needs to be read aloud. The diffuse lyricism of Swinburne is the opposite of the closely knit structures of John Donne and is akin to the poetry of Walt Whitman.
ellauri131.html on line 952: The topic of Covey's Brigham U Ph.D dissertation was the "success literature" of the United States since 1776. Covey found that during the republic's first 150 years, most of that kind of writing focused on issues of character, the archetype being the autobiography of Ben Franklin. But shortly after World War II, success became more a function of personality, of public image, of attitudes and behaviors, skills and techniques, that lubricate the processes of human interaction. He began to think about ways to get people to stop cultivating superficial charm and return to character building.
ellauri141.html on line 111: At his house, probably, Horace became intimate with Polio, and the many persons of consideration whose friendship he appears to have enjoyed. Through Mæcenas, also, it is probable Horace was introduced to Augustus; but when that happened is uncertain. In B. C. 37, Mæcenas was deputed by Augustus to meet M. Antonius at Brundisium, and he took Horace with him on that journey, of which a detailed account is given in the fifth Satire of the first book. Horace appears to have parted from the rest of the company at Brundisium, and perhaps returned to Rome by Tarentum and Venusia. (See S. i. 5, Introduction.) Between this journey and B. C. 32, Horace received from his friend the present of a small estate in the valley of the Digentia (Licenza), situated about thirty-four miles from Rome, and fourteen from Tibur, in the Sabine country. Of this property he gives a description in his Epistle to Quintius (i. 16), and he appears to have lived there a part of every year, and to have been fond of the place, which was very quiet and retired, being four miles from the nearest town, Varia (Vico Varo), a municipium perhaps, but not a place of any importance. During this interval he continued to write Satires and Epodes, but also, it appears probable, some of the Odes, which some years later he published, and others which he did not publish. These compositions, no doubt, were seen by his friends, and were pretty well known before any of them were collected for publication. The first book of the Satires was published probably in B. C. 35, the Epodes in B. C. 30, and the second book of Satires in the following year, when Horace was about thirty-five years old. When Augustus returned from Asia, in B. C. 29, and closed the gates of Janus, being the acknowledged head of the republic, Horace appeared among his most hearty adherents. He wrote on this occasion one of his best Odes (i. 2), and employed his pen in forwarding those reforms which it was the first object of Augustus to effect. (See Introduction to C. ii. 15.) His most striking Odes appear, for the most part, to have been written after the establishment of peace. Some may have been written before, and probably were. But for some reason it would seem that he gave himself more to lyric poetry after his thirty-fifth year than he had done before. He had most likely studied the Greek poets while he was at Athens, and some of his imitations may have been written early. If so, they were most probably improved and polished, from time to time, (for he must have had them by him, known perhaps only to a few friends, for many years,) till they became the graceful specimens of artificial composition that they are. Horace continued to employ himself in this kind of writing (on a variety of subjects, convivial, amatory, political, moral,—some original, many no doubt suggested by Greek poems) till B. C. 24, when there are reasons for thinking the first three books of the Odes were published. During this period, Horace appears to have passed his time at Rome, among the most distinguished men of the day, or at his house in the country, paying occasional visits to Tibur, Præneste, and Baiæ, with indifferent health, which required change of air. About the year B. C. 26 he was nearly killed by the falling of a tree, on his own estate, which accident he has recorded in one of his Odes (ii. 13), and occasionally refers to; once in the same stanza with a storm in which he was nearly lost off Cape Palinurus, on the western coast of Italy. When this happened, nobody knows. After the publication of the three books of Odes, Horace seems to have ceased from that style of writing, or nearly so; and the only other compositions we know of his having produced in the next few years are metrical Epistles to different friends, of which he published a volume probably in B. C. 20 or 19. He seems to have taken up the study of the Greek philosophical writers, and to have become a good deal interested in them, and also to have been a little tired of the world, and disgusted with the jealousies his reputation created. His health did not improve as he grew older, and he put himself under the care of Antonius Musa, the emperor’s new physician. By his advice he gave up, for a time at least, his favorite Baiæ. But he found it necessary to be a good deal away from Rome, especially in the autumn and winter.
ellauri146.html on line 644: Edgar Allan Poe vigorously denounced the Jeffersonian ideal of democracy. He had no sympathy with abstract political notions such as those which had produced liberal republican theory in America and elsewhere. Like Edmund Burke, Poe was highly suspicious of the “well-constructed Republic.”
ellauri146.html on line 668: The concern of the Pounder to advance republican ideals and republican politics among the students of the University was not notably effectual with one student at least: Poe was not receptive to Jeffersonian liberalism. But many of the impressions which Poe received at Charlottesville, both within and without the lecture rooms, must have remained with him. The young admirer of classic grandeur, we know, was impressed by the graceful Rotunda. About Poe at Virginia, Philip Alexander Bruce writes as follows:
ellauri146.html on line 683: All this, Poe added, is an “evil growing out of our republican institutions.” In “Some Words with a Mummy,” in “Mellonta Tauta” and in other tales, Poe vigorously denounced the Jeffersonian ideal of democracy. He had no sympathy with abstract political notions such as those which, after Locke, had produced liberal republican theory in America and elsewhere. Though lacking the scope and political understanding of Burke, Poe was, like Burke, highly suspicious of the “well-constructed Republic.”
ellauri146.html on line 686: started with the queerest idea conceivable, viz; that all men are born free and equal-this in the very teeth of the laws of gradation so visibly impressed upon all things both in the moral and physical universe. Every man “voted,” as they called it-that is to say, meddled with public affairs-until, at length, it was discovered that what is everybody’s business is nobody’s, and that the “Republic” (as the absurd thing was called) was without a government at all. It is related, however, that the first circumstance which disturbed, very particularly, the self-complacency of the philosophers who constructed this “Republic,” was the startling discovery that universal suffrage gave opportunity for fraudulent schemes….A little reflection upon this discovery sufficed to render evident the consequences, which were that rascality must predominate— in a word, that a republican government could never be anything but a rascally one. While the philosophers, however, were busied in blushing at their stupidity in not having foreseen these inevitable evils, and intent upon the invention of new theories, the matter was put to an abrupt issue by a fellow of the name of Mob, who took everything into his own hands and set up a despotism…. As for republicanism, no analogy could be found for it upon the face of the earth—unless we except the case of the “prairie dogs,” an exception which seems to demonstrate, if anything, that democracy is a very admirable form of government—for dogs.
ellauri161.html on line 491: Annoyingly, in these days movies from the U. S. are becoming more and more of "a color". They are not telling a story, but are taking a side. They are either democrat or republican, conservative or liberal, blue or red, flyover or coast. Don't Look Up is not a big offender, but the language and presentation was clearly on the "coast" side. Thus, it will be probably appreciated by people who already saw the world this way and ignored or at best maligned by the people on the other side. And it's a pity, because this film is meant to bring us together as a civilization and not keep us divided. I feel like it could have done a better job in that direction.
ellauri161.html on line 671: For the majority of the film (not Talladega, the new one), we’re bouncing from one republican caricature to the next. Streep is a female version of Donald Trump. Jonah Hill is a fratty version of Donald Trump Jr. Mark Rylance is a right-wing version of Tim Cook. (What a joke, he's way too poor.) And Ron Perlman is a red-eyed version of General Turgidson. When General Turgidson wonders aloud what kind of name "Strangelove" is, saying to Mr. Staines (Jack Creley) that it is not a "Kraut name", Staines responds that Strangelove's original German surname was Merkwürdigliebe ("Strange love" in German) and that "he changed it when he became a citizen". A kike anyway, by the name.
ellauri161.html on line 673: The grim satire is usually pretty tame and ranges anywhere from hilarious to stupid. But the nastiness and negativity here just makes the filmmaker come off like a jerk. At the end of Don’t Look Up, you’re left feeling agitated and angry– not at republicans, but at McKay for making such a dismal affair. If you are a closet republican like me, that is.
ellauri183.html on line 216: Kuuluisassa taantumupuheessa 1931 "El filósofo volvía a pedir a los republicanos que no falsificaran la República. Es frecuente reseñar la frase ¡No es esto, no es esto!. La República es una cosa. El radicalismo es otra."
ellauri190.html on line 212: The Cossacks are a predominantly East Slavic Orthodox Christian people group originating in the steppes of Eastern Europe. They were a semi-nomadic and semi-militarized people, who, while under the nominal suzerainty of various Eastern European states at the time, such as the Russian Empire or the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, were allowed a great degree of self-governance in exchange for military service. The Cossacks were particularly noted for holding democratic traditions (not republican).
ellauri190.html on line 301: Under Russian rule, the Cossack nation of the Zaporozhian Host was divided into two autonomous republics of the Moscow Tsardom: the Cossack Hetmanate, and the more independent Zaporizhia. These organisations gradually lost their autonomy, and were abolished by Catherine II in the late 18th century. The Hetmanate became the governorship of Little Russia, and Zaporizhia was absorbed into New Russia.
ellauri190.html on line 393: Gaius Julius Caesar is remembered as one of history's greatest generals and a key ruler of the Roman empire. As a young man he rose through the administrative ranks of the Roman republic, accumulating power until he was elected consul in 59...
ellauri210.html on line 1252: Shaw's expressed views were often contentious; he promoted eugenics and alphabet reform, and opposed vaccination and organised religion. He courted unpopularity by denouncing both sides in the First World War as equally culpable, and although not an Irish republican, castigated British policy on Ireland in the postwar period. Shaw and Yeast were sort of friends.
ellauri223.html on line 66: Capt. Moreover, the race is managed for the good of the commonwealth, and not of private individuals, and the magistrates must be obeyed. They deny what we hold—viz., that it is natural to man to recognize his offspring and to educate them, and to use his wife and house and children as his own. For they say that children are bred for the preservation of the species and not for individual pleasure, as St. Thomas also asserts. Therefore the breeding of children has reference to the commonwealth, and not to individuals, except in so far as they are constituents of the commonwealth. And since individuals for the most part bring forth children wrongly and educate them wrongly, they consider that they remove destruction from the State, and therefore for this reason, with most sacred fear, they commit the education of the children, who, as it were, are the element of the republic, to the care of magistrates; for the safety of the community is not that of a few. And thus they distribute male and female breeders of the best natures according to philosophical rules. Plato thinks that this distribution ought to be made by lot, lest some incel men seeing that they are kept away from the beautiful women, should rise up with anger and hatred against the magistrates; and he thinks further that those who do not deserve cohabitation with the more beautiful women, should be deceived while the lots are drawn by the magistrates, so that at all times the women who are suitably second rate should fall to their lot, not those whom they desire. Stop the steal!
ellauri223.html on line 70: Domestic affairs and partnerships are of little account, because, excepting the sign of honor, each one receives what he is in need of. To the heroes and heroines of the republic, it is customary to give the pleasing gifts of honor, beautiful wreaths, sweet food, heroine, or splendid clothes, while they are feasting. In the daytime all use white garments within the city, but at night or outside the city they use red garments either of wool or silk. They hate black as they do dung, and therefore they dislike the Japanese, who are fond of black, and Africans, for obvious reasons. Pride they consider the most execrable vice, and one who acts proudly is chastised with the most ruthless correction. Wherefore no one thinks it lowering to wait at table or to work in the kitchen or fields or clean the toilets. All work they call discipline, and thus they say that it is honorable to go on foot, to do any act of nature, to see with the eye, and to speak with the tongue, and waft with the tail; and when there is need, they distinguish philosophically between tears and spittle. Every man who, when he is told off to work, does his duty, is considered very honorable.
ellauri223.html on line 98: No one is killed or stoned unless by the hands of the people, the accuser and the witnesses beginning first. For they have no executioners and lictors, lest the State should sink into ruin. The choice of death is given to the rest of the people, who enclose the lifeless remains in little bags and burn them by the application of fire, while exhorters are present for the purpose of advising concerning a good death. Nevertheless, the whole nation laments and beseeches God that his anger may be appeased, being in grief that it should, as it were, have to cut off a rotten member of the State. Certain officers talk to and convince the accused man by means of arguments until he himself acquiesces in the sentence of death passed upon him, or else... But if a crime has been committed against the liberty of the republic, or against God, or against the supreme magistrates, there is immediate censure without pity. These motherfuckers are punished with death.
ellauri243.html on line 124: Dale Brown oli Amerikan paras militaristikynäilijä 2010-luvulla. Hauska nähdä vaihteexi miten pahisten kantapeikkojen juoni onnistuu without a glitch, ja tyhmät CIA ja FBI äijät niitetään lakoon kuin timoteit. We serve the true republic, not the false democracy. When were the good and brave ever in the majority, asks Henry David Thoreau. Never, answers Frans de Waal, for the majority is just apes like us.
ellauri245.html on line 646: The name comes from the Swahili word for water, "maji". Militia members sprinkled themselves with water to protect themselves from bullets. Not any less stupid than Western soldiers who think that a priest sprinkling water or oil on a corpse will secure it another life. Mai-Mai were particularly active in the eastern Congolese provinces bordering Rwanda, North Kivu and South Kivu (the "Kivus"), which were under the control of the Rwanda-allied Bananarepublic-dominated "rebel" faction, the Rally for Congolese Conflict Minerals–in-Goma (RCD-Goma) during the Second Congo War.
ellauri247.html on line 177: The Tory Samuel Johnson was a critic of her politics: Sir, there is one Mrs. Macaulay in this town, a great republican. One day when I was at her house, I put on a very grave countenance, and said to her, "Madam, I am now become a convert to your way of thinking. I am convinced that all mankind are upon an equal footing; and to give you an unquestionable proof, Madam, that I am in earnest, here is a very sensible, civil, well-behaved fellow-citizen, your footman; I desire that he may be allowed to sit down and dine with us." I thus, Sir, shewed her the absurdity of the levelling doctrine. She has never liked me since. Sir, your levellers wish to level down as far as themselves; but they cannot bear levelling up to themselves. They would all have some people under them; why not then have some people above them?
ellauri267.html on line 1401: Even as late as the 19th century, "Sebastianist" peasants in the town of Canudos in the Brazilian sertão believed that the king would return to help them in their rebellion against the "godless" Brazilian republic.
ellauri328.html on line 515: 
republican.webp?w=466&h=311&f=bc8973528050c33c419cd232fd0db0b0" height="300px" />
ellauri391.html on line 66: 
republic.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/da0523f/2147483647/strip/true/crop/2482x1294+102+0/resize/840x438!/format/webp/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Ferepublic-brightspot.s3.us-west-2.amazonaws.com%2Fc1%2Fc4%2Fac936ca2416e8187c14065cd0cc6%2Fhoover-relief.jpg" height="300px" />
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 506: Easily the worst of the former Soviet republics.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 556: Slovenia is one of Europe’s greenest countries and that’s about it. There’s nothing particularly noteworthy about this warm Yugoslav republic except that it’s near cooler countries.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 570:
Otherwise, this place is about as depressing as you’d imagine for a former Soviet republic — and one where the greatest nuclear disaster in history took place. Not as many burnt corpses as in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, so we are still leading there.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 611: Admit it: George Costanza’s failed attempt to convert to Latvian Orthodox is your only experience with this former Soviet republic.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 600: The republican voices of the 1960s are as loud and silly as the democratic ones today, and that leaves us unsurprised when they reappear at the front of our national consciousness—the media, as any Shell-owning liberal could attest on November 9, 2016, and January 6, 2021.
xxx/ellauri168.html on line 100: Following the rise of Boris Yeltsin eclipsing Gorbachev and the election victory of Clinton over Bush, the term "new world order" fell from common usage. It is a republican logo after all like law and order and MAGA. It was replaced by competing similar concepts about how the post-Cold War order would develop. Prominent among these were the ideas of the "era of globalization", the "unipolar moment", the "end of history" and the "Clash of Civilizations".
xxx/ellauri193.html on line 128: Before South Africa became a republic in 1961, politics among white South Africans was typified by the division between the mainly Afrikaner pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments, with the legacy of the Boer War still a factor for some people. Once South Africa became a republic, Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd called for improved relations and greater accord between people of British descent and the Afrikaners. He claimed that the only difference was between those in favour of apartheid and those against it. The ethnic division would no longer be between Afrikaans and English speakers, but between blacks and whites.
xxx/ellauri239.html on line 179: Was Jesus a republican? As far as we know. Some of his best friends were publicans. Think how much trouble would have been saved all around if Mary had had an abortion.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 71: Cecilio Chi, the native leader of Tepich, along with Jacinto Pat attacked Tepich on 30 July 1847, in reaction to the indiscriminate massacre of Mayas, ordered that all the non-Maya population be killed. By spring of 1848, the Maya forces had taken over most of the Yucatán, with the exception of the walled cities of Campeche and Mérida and the south-west coast, with Yucatecan troops holding the road from Mérida to the port of Sisal. The Yucatecan governor Miguel Barbachano had prepared a decree for the evacuation of Mérida, but was apparently delayed in publishing it by the lack of suitable paper in the besieged capital. The decree became unnecessary when the republican troops suddenly broke the siege and took the offensive with major advances.
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