ellauri019.html on line 36: The objects of Kliban's scorn and loathing were wide-ranging, including politics, militarism, capitalism, the work ethic, consumerism, TV, ignorance, intellectual pretension, the pomposity and mercenary nature of art, and, finally, even humor itself. (Deeper Meanings)
ellauri020.html on line 256: Päästyään taas slaalaa Katrinka toipuu parissa viikossa, ei sentään entiselleen, vaan entistä kiinnostavammaxi persoonaxi, jossa on nyt arvaamatonta syvyyttä kuin Inarinjärvessä. Mikä ei tapa se vahvistaa, vaikka tappais vanhemmat. Tshekkoslovakian miehityxen innostamana Katrinka päättää voittaa v 1972 olympialaiset. Fuck politics. No ei. Sitä ei Camillakaan saa juoneen mahtumaan, Katrinka loikkaa sittenkin länteen kuten Iivana, joka nai sitä varten itävaltalaisen hiihdonopettajan. Tshekin mäkikotka alkaa muistuttaa Jaakon kotkaa, joka myös oli melkein olympiatasoa jossain lajissa, en muista missä, tennixessä vai penixessä, ja bylsi sekin USAn presidenttiä koulutyttönä. Hardworking jenkkikielenkäytössä tarkottaa ambitious, siis pyrkyri, kyynärpäilijä, kasan päälle tunkija.
ellauri042.html on line 682: Atwood's works encompass a variety of themes including gender and identity, religion and myth, the power of language, climate change, and "power politics". Many of her poems are inspired by myths and fairy tales which interested her from a very early age. Atwood is a founder of the Griffin Poetry Prize and Writers' Trust of Canada. She is also a Senior Fellow of Massey College, Toronto.
ellauri048.html on line 1893: Poles hate the myth because it cheapens what they actually did in the war. As war historian Ben Macintyre wrote: “The Polish contribution to Allied victory in the Second World War was extraordinary, perhaps even decisive, but for many years it was disgracefully played down, obscured by the politics of the Cold War.”
ellauri051.html on line 1685: 1076 Whatever interests the rest interests me, politics, wars, markets, newspapers, schools, 1076 Mikä tahansa kiinnostaa, muu kiinnostaa minua, politiikka, sodat, markkinat, sanomalehdet, koulut,
ellauri053.html on line 1197: It is worth noting that Eliot apparently paid no attention to Yeats’s later politics: he does not refer to Yeats’s engagement with the Fascism of Mussolini and Gentile.
ellauri060.html on line 233: Defoe was a prolific and versatile writer, producing more than three hundred works—books, pamphlets, and journals — on diverse topics, including politics, crime, religion, marriage, psychology, and the supernatural. He was also a pioneer of business journalism and economic journalism.
ellauri065.html on line 202: The Human Centipede has its moments, but they're largely obscured by umpteen holes in the plot as well as by reams of exposition. It was an ultimately underwhelming affair that's neither sick or repellent enough to garner the cult status it so craves. Whether the film was a commentary on Nazi atrocities or a literal expression of filmmaking politics, the grotesque fusion at least silences the female leads, both of whose voices could strip paint.
ellauri066.html on line 502: Aggression-based schadenfreude primarily involves group identity. The joy of observing the suffering of others comes from the observer's feeling that the other's failure represents an improvement or validation of their own group's (in-group) status in relation to external (out-groups) groups (see In-group and out-group). This is, essentially, schadenfreude based on group versus group status. Joukkueurheilu on vankka bastioni vahingoniloisuudelle. And the domain of politics is prime territory for feelings of schadenfreude, especially for those who identify strongly with their political party.
ellauri067.html on line 491: There’s a dirty secret tucked away in Thomas Pynchon’s novels, eand it’s this: beyond all the postmodernism and paranoia, the anarchism and socialism, the investigations into global power, the forays into labor politics and feminism and critical race theory, the rocket science, the fourth-dimensional mathematics, the philatelic conspiracies, the ’60s radicalism and everything else that has spawned 70 or 80 monographs, probably twice as many dissertations, and hundreds if not thousands of scholarly essays, his novels are full of cheesy love stories.
ellauri077.html on line 794: Pretentious diction. Words like phenomenon, element, individual (as noun), objective, categorical, effective, virtual, basic, primary, promote, constitute, exhibit, exploit, utilize, eliminate, liquidate , are used to dress up a simple statement and give an aire of scientific impartiality to biased judgements. Adjectives like epoch-making, epic, historic, unforgettable, triumphant, age-old, inevitable, inexorable, veritable, are used to dignify the sordid process of international politics, while writing that aims at glorifying war usually takes on an archaic color, its characteristic words being: realm, throne, chariot, mailed fist, trident, sword, shield, buckler, banner, jackboot, clarion.
ellauri077.html on line 812: In our age there is no such thing as "keeping out of politics." All issues are political issues, and politics itself is a mass of lies, evasions, folly, hatred, and schizophrenia.
ellauri089.html on line 77: Heinlein used his science fiction to earn money and as a way to explore his provocative social and political ideas, and to speculate how progress in science and engineering might shape the future of politics, race, religion, and sex. Within the framework of his science-fiction stories, Heinlein repeatedly addressed certain social themes: the importance of being earnest, individual liberty and self-reliance, the nature of incestual sexual relationships, the obligation individuals owe to their societies, the influence of organized religion on culture and government, and the tendency of society to repress nonconformist thought. He also speculated on the influence of space travel on human cultural practices.
ellauri095.html on line 223: In 1884 he became a professor of Greek and Latin at University College Dublin. His English roots and disagreement with the Irish politics of the time, along with his small stature (5 ft 2 in or 1.57 m), unprepossessing nature and personal oddities, reduced his effectiveness as a teacher.
ellauri097.html on line 103: Such turns of phrase evoked the erudite cynicism and rapier sharpness of language displayed by Ambrose Bierce in his darkly-satiric The Devil's Dictionary. A noted curmudgeon, democratic in subjects attacked, Mencken savaged politics, hypocrisy, and social convention. A master of English, he was given to bombast and once disdained the lowly hot dog bun's descent into "the soggy rolls prevailing today, of ground acorns, plaster of Paris, flecks of bath sponge and atmospheric air all compact."
ellauri097.html on line 107: Like Nietzsche, he also lambasted religious belief and the very concept of Cod, as Mencken was an unflinching atheist, particularly Christian fundamentalism, Christian Science and creationism, and against the "Booboisie," his word for the ignorant middle classes. In the summer of 1925, he attended the famous Scopes "Monkey Trial" in Dayton, Tennessee, and wrote scathing columns for the Baltimore Sun (widely syndicated) and American Mercury mocking the anti-evolution Fundamentalists (especially William Jennings Bryan). The play Inherit the Wind is a fictionalized version of the trial, and as noted above the cynical reporter E.K. Hornbeck is based on Mencken. In 1926, he deliberately had himself arrested for selling an issue of The American Mercury, which was banned in Boston by the Comstock laws. Mencken heaped scorn not only on the public officials he disliked but also on the state of American elective politics itself.
ellauri098.html on line 177: TV Tropes is a wiki that collects and documents descriptions and examples of plot conventions and devices, more commonly known as tropes, within many creative works. Since its establishment in 2004, the site has shifted focus from covering only television and film tropes to those in other types of media such as literature, comics, anime, manga, video games, music, advertisements, and toys, and their associated fandoms, as well as some non-media subjects such as history, geography, and politics.
ellauri100.html on line 236: Apologies, but YourMorals.org is not available for use by people in the European Union until we figure out how to comply with GDPR guidelines. But you can read politicsandprosperity.com/about/">Politics and Prosperity.com instead! Now there is a straight-backed American if there ever was one! (Was there?)
ellauri100.html on line 405: 1. Openness to experience: High scorers are described as “Open to new experiences. You have broad interests and are very imaginative.” Low scorers are described as “Down-to-earth, practical, traditional, and pretty much set in your ways.” This is the sub-scale that shows the strongest relationship to politics: liberals generally score high on this trait; they like change and variety, sometimes just for the sake of change and variety. Conservatives generally score lower on this trait. (Just think about the kinds of foods likely to be served at very liberal or very conservative social events.)
ellauri100.html on line 453: The scale is a measure of statements describing behaviors relevant to five categories of business ethics: (a) usurpation of company resources (e.g. using company time/products), (b) corporate gamesmanship (politics), (c) cheating customers, (d) concealment of misconduct, and (e) offering kickbacks/gifts.
ellauri100.html on line 471: Liberals and conservatives seem to disagree in their basic understandings of the causes of human action, particularly of immoral action. Liberals are more likely to believe that social forces, poverty, childhood trauma, or mental illness can serve as valid excuses. Conservatives are more likely to reject such excuses and want to hold people accountable for their actions, including a preference for harsher punishments. At least, that is the way things play out in many disputes in the legal world. We want to see if we can look at this stereotypical difference in more detail. We want to find out WHICH kinds of free will and determinism show a correlation with politics, and with other psychological variables.
ellauri100.html on line 543: The scale you completed was a General Political Knowledge scale for American politics that we developed and is based on work by Michael Delli Carpini, Scott Keeter, Milton Lodge, and Charles Taber.
ellauri100.html on line 545: The scale measures the factual knowledge people possess about politics. We used questions about three broad topics: 1) civics and what the government is and does (e.g. who has the final responsibility to decide if a law is constitutional or not?); 2) public officials or leaders (e.g. who is the current Speaker of the House?); and 3) political parties (e.g. which party is more conservative on a national scale?).
ellauri100.html on line 547: The idea behind this scale is that objective factual knowledge may be an important factor in studies about political issues and reasoning. It may be that people who are more informed about politics (whether they’re liberal or conservative) think and reason differently about moral or political issues than people who are less informed. For instance, are people who are more informed more or less likely to objectively evaluate political arguments? We suspect that, ironically, people with more political knowledge may be less objective when it comes to a number of information processes (see recommended reading below).
ellauri102.html on line 421: As a child and teenager, she found it "very oppressive to have a very public feminist mother" and she rejected politics, instead embracing "full-on consumerism".
ellauri106.html on line 130: Given long-standing feminist arguments that Roth is a misogynist—not to mention the portrait in Bloom’s memoirs—it was inevitable that any Roth biography would spark arguments about gender politics. What was surprising is that the debate would center around the biographer more than Roth. In the wake of the biography’s release, Bailey has been accused of shocking acts. Four former students from the elite New Orleans high school where he’d taught during the 1990s came forward to complain that he had groomed them as minors and sexually pursued them as adults. One of these women claimed he raped her. Another former student came forward with an allegation of attempted rape when she was an adult. Finally, Valentina Rice, a New York publishing executive, told The New York Times that Bailey raped her in 2015. Bailey strenuously denies all these allegations.
ellauri106.html on line 390: Given long-standing feminist arguments that Roth is a misogynist—not to mention the portrait in Bloom’s memoirs—it was inevitable that any Roth biography would spark arguments about gender politics. What was surprising is that the debate would center around the biographer more than Roth. In the wake of the biography’s release, Bailey has been accused of shocking acts. Four former students from the elite New Orleans high school where he’d taught during the 1990s came forward to complain that he had groomed them as minors and sexually pursued them as adults. One of these women claimed he raped her. Another former student came forward with an allegation of attempted rape when she was an adult. Finally, Valentina Rice, a New York publishing executive, told The New York Times that Bailey raped her in 2015. Bailey strenuously denies all these allegations.
ellauri106.html on line 552: Delphine Roux, a classicist scholar, who he reduces to a degrading stereotype — the outspoken feminist whose politics are motivated, we finally learn, by deep insecurities and by a suppressed desire to be dominated by some virile man. The delight with which Roth belittles and humiliates Roux is the low point of the low-brow trilogy.
ellauri107.html on line 422: George F. Babbitt was an archetype of the American city dwellers who touted the virtues of Republicanism, Presbyterianism, and absolute conformity because "it is not what he feels and aspires that moves him primarily; it is what the folks about him will think of him. His politics is communal politics, mob politics, herd politics; his religion is a public rite wholly without subjective significance." Mencken said that Babbitt was the literary embodiment of everything wrong with American society.
ellauri108.html on line 133: Some Rastas have promoted activism as a means of achieving socio-political reform, while others believe in awaiting change that will be brought about through divine intervention in human affairs. In Jamaica, Rastas typically do not vote, derogatorily dismissing politics as "politricks", and rarely involve themselves in political parties or unions. The Rasta tendency to believe that socio-political change is inevitable opens the religion up to the criticism from the political left that it encourages adherents to do little or nothing to alter the status quo. Other Rastas do engage in political activism; the Ghanaian Rasta singer-songwriter Rocky Dawuni for instance was involved in campaigns promoting democratic elections, while in Grenada, many Rastas joined the People's Revolutionary Government formed in 1979.
ellauri112.html on line 681: Yet to hail the film as a feminist project is to value the representation of the structural co-option of maternity over its interrogation. Tully’s treatment of social reproduction is dangerously simplistic. Cody has spoken in interviews about how her own, financially easier, experience of parenting in L.A. inspired her to explore a narrative in which economic anxieties are combined with the other hardships of parenthood, yet here class and poverty are only fleeting concerns. The transactional system of care that governs child-rearing under capitalism is done away with via Tully’s otherworldliness. Until the revelation of her non-existence, the viewer, although encouraged to believe in her, is never asked to consider her financial reality, and the fact that the service is paid for by Marlo’s wealthy brother is a narrative convenience that reinforces its fairytale quality. Similarly, Tully’s whiteness allows the racial politics of care to be completely overlooked, and the repeated idea that it’s ‘unnatural’ for hired help to bond with your newborn is taken as a given, rather than seen as an impetus for a consideration of the social conditions that require mothers to make that choice.
ellauri115.html on line 1095: He believes that disproportionate numbers of pathological narcissists are at work in the most influential reaches of society, such as medicine, finance and politics. Plus art and entertainment.
ellauri119.html on line 674: Too many are introduced to Objectivism through its application to politics. Political conclusions reached by applying Objectivism are counter to the popular notions of how government should work and society should be structured . Without an understanding of the foundation and underpinnings, it is difficult to understand how Objectivist ideals apply.
ellauri119.html on line 775: Asked what she thought of Reagan, Ayn Rand replied, “I don’t think of him. And the more I see, the less I think of him.” For Rand, “the appalling part of his administration was his connection with the so-called ‘Moral Majority’ and sundry other TV religionists, who are struggling, apparently with his approval, to take us back to the Middle Ages via the unconstitutional union of religion and politics.” Rand’s primary concern, it seems, is that this “unconstitutional union” represented a “threat to capitalism.” While she admired Reagan’s appeal to an “inspirational element” in American politics, “he will not find it,” remarked Rand, “in the God, family, tradition swamp.” Instead, she proclaims, we should be inspired by “the most typical American group… the businessmen.”
ellauri132.html on line 111: (PST: Kuka on Sam Harris?) Samuel Benjamin Harris was born in Los Angeles, California, on April 9, 1967. He is an American author, philosopher, neuroscientist, and podcast host. His work touches on a wide range of topics, including rationality, religion, ethics, free will, neuroscience, meditation, psychedelics, philosophy of mind, politics, terrorism, and artificial intelligence. — Sam Harris rejects the dichotomy between spirituality and rationality , favoring a middle path that preserves spirituality and science but does not involve religion.
ellauri135.html on line 579: In 1960, even though he had a reputation for being "indifferent" to politics, Richter defied the authorities when he performed at Boris Pasternak's funeral.
ellauri142.html on line 63: Markku is an outcast. The awkward, illegitimate son of a dazzlingly wealthy Count, he was educated in France but returns to Russia now that his father’s health is in decline. Polite society shuns him for his hero-worship of Napoleon and enthusiasm for the politics of revolution. But his blundering sincerity charms Andrei, his truest friend; and the blonde air hostess Natacha, who delights in his presence. He is quickly married off by stealth through the manipulation of others around him and is likely to face further heartache given that his wife prefers bedding her brother. It looks like this unlikely hero is smitten with her mother Pirkko Hiekkala but is set for heartache given his kind and gentle nature.
ellauri142.html on line 118: And while it seems they were rigorously involved in politics, Freemasonry describes itself as a “beautiful system of morality, veiled in allegory and illustrated by symbols.”
ellauri145.html on line 512: Friedrich Nietzsche, Karl Marx and Charles Darwin are the great triumvirate of 19th-century thinkers whose ideas still have huge impact today. Nietzsche was philosophy’s supreme iconoclast; his sayings include “God is dead” and “There are no facts, only interpretations”. Highly relevant, yet his association with concepts such as the Übermensch, master morality, slave morality and, possibly most dangerous, the will to power, have also contributed to him being widely misinterpreted. There are three myths in particular that need dynamiting: that his politics were on the far right, he was a misogynist and he lacked a sense of humour. Of a sort.
ellauri146.html on line 668: The concern of the Pounder to advance republican ideals and republican politics among the students of the University was not notably effectual with one student at least: Poe was not receptive to Jeffersonian liberalism. But many of the impressions which Poe received at Charlottesville, both within and without the lecture rooms, must have remained with him. The young admirer of classic grandeur, we know, was impressed by the graceful Rotunda. About Poe at Virginia, Philip Alexander Bruce writes as follows:
ellauri150.html on line 480: Eugene Luther Gore Vidal (/vɪˈdɑːl/; born Eugene Louis Vidal, October 3, 1925 – July 31, 2012) was an American writer and public intellectual known for his epigrammatic wit, erudition, and patrician manner. Vidal was bisexual, and in his novels and essays interrogated the social and cultural sexual norms he perceived as driving American life. Beyond literature, Vidal was heavily involved in politics. He twice sought office—unsuccessfully—as a Democratic Party candidate, first in 1960 to the United States House of Representatives (for New York), and later in 1982 to the U.S. Senate (for California). His third novel, The City and the Pillar (1948), offended the literary, political, and moral sensibilities of conservative book reviewers, the plot being about a dispassionately presented male homosexual relationship.
ellauri155.html on line 886: Santayana ei tykännyt olla professori, se oli ajautunut siihen. Se lopettikin professorin hommat 48-vuotiaana tykkänään ja lähti seikkailemaan. Varmaan homostelukin oli silleen helpompaa. In later life, Santayana was financially comfortable, in part because his 1935 novel, The Last Puritan, had become an unexpected best-seller. In turn, he financially assisted a number of writers, including Bertrand Russell, with whom he was in fundamental disagreement, philosophically and politically. Santayana´s only novel, The Last Puritan, ist ein bildungsroman, centering on the personal growth of its protagonist, Oliver Alden. His Persons and Places is an autobiography. These works also contain many of his sharper opinions and bons mots. He wrote books and essays on a wide range of subjects, including philosophy of a less technical sort, literary criticism, the history of ideas, politics, human nature, morals, the influence of religion on culture and social psychology, all with considerable wit and humor.
ellauri155.html on line 947: the reforming prime minister, and both ultra-radical in religion and politics.
ellauri155.html on line 964: I don’t agree with him in politics or in philosophy, yet we are good intellectual
ellauri159.html on line 1349: He was born in 1832 and lived for eighty-six years. During that time he wrote much, but unsystematically. His favorite form of publication was letters to newspapers, mainly local newspapers with a small circulation. These letters dealt with an astonishing diversity of subjects, from local petty politics or the tricks of spiritualist mediums to principles of industry and finance and profundities of metaphysics.
ellauri161.html on line 546: The targets of the satire – incompetent governments, media, tech billionaires, populace believing in politics not science – are obvious. There’s a shorthand that makes each character’s real world avatar easy to get hence the laughs but does that undermine the film’s intelligence? No, it's spot on.
ellauri161.html on line 597: Speaking of “climate,” that’s the main target here – how people are too stupid to come together even when their survival depends on it. Or maybe it’s the pandemic McKay is allegorizing. Probably both. Meanwhile, the writer/director’s left-of-center politics are on full display. Although Don’t Look Up occasionally ridicules the left, it represents a full-on fusillade against the right. Now that is NOT funny.
ellauri161.html on line 698: Would have been better without the Liberal politics.
ellauri171.html on line 1105: Why not? At that time it would have been a possibility, though not a preferred one. Perhaps the marriage that had been arranged for Tamar was too politically sensitive to upset, or maybe Amnon thought that David would disapprove of his obsession, seeing it as a weakness. After all, a king could not afford to let emotions interfere with politics. Remember Batsheba, haha.
ellauri182.html on line 178: Rennyo is generally credited by Shin Buddhists for reversing the stagnation of the early Jōdo Shinshū community, and is considered the "Second Founder" of Jōdo Shinshū. His portrait picture, along with Shinran's, are present on the onanizing (altar) area of most Jōdo Shinshū temples. However, Rennyo has also been criticized by some Shin scholars for his engagement in medieval politics and his alleged divergences from Shinran's original thought.
ellauri182.html on line 378: plural (blókar— blœkur). Words ending in -ik, like grafik "graphic", lýrik "lyric", politik "politics", trafftk "traffic" get the ending -ur in genitive singular, but no plural, and words with the suffix -sjón, as e.g. aksjón "action", have the endings -ar in genitive singular and -ir in nominative and accusative plural (aksjónar—aksjónir). As -sjón is not accepted as an Icelandic suffix, aksjón counts as a foreign word, but not as a loanword. [Silly bitch, it is a Danish loan put to new use.]
ellauri184.html on line 76: Barbary Shore (1951) was not well received by the critics. It was a surreal parable of Cold War leftist politics set in a Brooklyn rooming-house, and Mailer's most autobiographical novel. His 1955 novel, The Deer Park drew on his experiences working as a screenwriter in Hollywood from 1949 to 1950. It was initially rejected by seven publishers due to its purportedly sexual content before being published by Putnam's. It was not a critical success, but it made the best-seller list, sold over 50,000 copies its first year, and is considered by some critics to be the best Hollywood novel since Nathanael West's The Day of the Locust.
ellauri184.html on line 241: Professor France writes: “To read Matthew in blissful ignorance of first-century Palestinian sociopolitics is to miss his point. This is the story of Jesus of Nazareth .” (theuglytruth.wordpress.com is no longer available. This site has been archived or suspended for a violation of our Terms of Service.)
ellauri184.html on line 653: In the end, Jesus represented several different images of a bogeyman and became an outsider par excellence. He put off many of his adherents through his negligence of politics (i.e. he did not yield to their pressure to exert violence for political reasons), and he drew the attention of the authorities upon himself and made them suspicious through his eccentric speeches. Finally, Jesus was between the stools: There was no one left to speak in his favor. In the end, perceptions prevailed beyond all else.
ellauri190.html on line 103: Many eventually settled to the west of the Black Sea, influencing the politics of Kievan Rus', the Galicia–Volhynia Principality, the Golden Horde Khanate, the Second Bulgarian Empire, the Kingdom of Serbia, the Kingdom of Hungary, Moldavia, the Kingdom of Georgia, the Byzantine Empire, the Empire of Nicaea, the Latin Empire and Wallachia, with Cuman immigrants becoming integrated into each country's elite. The Cumans also played a prominent role in the Fourth Crusade and in the creation of the Second Bulgarian Empire. Cuman and Kipchak tribes joined politically to create the Cuman–Kipchak confederation.
ellauri190.html on line 222: The Zaporozhian Cossacks lived on the Pontic–Caspian steppe below the Dnieper Rapids (Ukrainian: za porohamy), also known as the Wild Fields. The group became well known, and its numbers increased greatly between the 15th and 17th centuries. The Zaporozhian Cossacks played an important role in European geopolitics, participating in a series of conflicts and alliances with the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russia, and the Ottoman Empire.
ellauri192.html on line 287: Lastly, there is the rumor of the blacklist. No outside observer can show that any such list exists, let alone how and when it was explicitly arrived at. But there are stubborn, unsettling indications. Behind them stands the enigmatic figure and afterlife of Dag Hammerskjold. In one or two cases, the choice of laureate seems to have been largely his. His chill displeasures seem not only to have had great influence, but to persist beyond the grave. The list of lepers, for motives which may, in some masked degree, go back to Hammarskjold's own politics and arcane sexuality, is rumored to include Graham Greene, G"unter Grass and Borges, as it did Malraux (passed over, to de Gaulle's just anger, in favor of a French poet-diplomat close to Hammarskjold, viz. Saint-John Perse). The mere fact that the Nobel Prize in Literature has long passed Borges by suffices to put the whole institution in doubt. But whether any such blacklist is real remains baffled conjecture.
ellauri196.html on line 622: Its fundamentally conservative "pure and simple" approach limited the AFL to matters pertaining to working conditions and rates of pay, relegating political goals to its allies in the political sphere. The Federation favored pursuit of workers' immediate demands rather than challenging the property rights of owners, and took a pragmatic view of politics which favored tactical support for particular politicians over formation of a party devoted to workers' interests. The AFL's leadership believed the expansion of the capitalist system was seen as the path to betterment of labor, an orientation making it possible for the AFL to present itself as what one historian has called "the conservative alternative to working class radicalism."
ellauri204.html on line 727: Ranskassa Artaudilla diagnosoitiin skitsofrenia, ja hän vietti seuraavat yhdeksän vuotta mielisairaaloissa ainakin Rodezissa ja Ivry-sur-Seinessä. Artaudin mukaan hän tunsi sairauden myötä menettäneensä identiteettinsä, sillä hän tuli tietoiseksi tavallisesti tiedostamattomista kehon toiminnoista. Hän juuttui painajaiseen, jossa tiedosti lihaksensa, luunsa ja mahansa, jonka toiminnot pitivät samanlaista läpsytystä kuin lippu myrskyssä. Hän hahmotti kätensä ja jalkansa kuin verisinä vanuina, etäisinä ja väärissä paikoissa olevina. Artaud lopetti kirjoittamisen ja piirtämisen pitkäksi aikaa mutta aloitti uudelleen sähköhoidon jälkeen. Anttonin suuta oli lähes mahdoton tukkia. Yllättävää sikäli että Anttoni koitti vapauttaa teatteria sanataiteen kahleista. Nimi "kohti kriittistä teatteria" oli ihan väärä, A. oli täysin kritiikitön ja epäpoliittinen oikispaskiainen. Artaud was not into politics at all, writing things like: 'I shit on Marxism.'
ellauri206.html on line 149: 
politics-society-sport-soccer-conflict-2E6A949.jpg" />
ellauri210.html on line 1250: George Shaw, known at his insistence as Bernard Shaw, was an Irish playwright, critic, polemicist and political activist. His influence on the Western hemisphefre, culture and politics extended from the 1880s to his death and beyond. He wrote more than sixty plays, including major works such as Man and Superman (1902), Pygmalion (1913) and Saint Joan (1923). With a range incorporating both contemporary satire and historical allegory, Pshaw became the leading dramatist of his generation, and in 1925 was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature.
ellauri219.html on line 194: Leonard Alfred Schneider (October 13, 1925 – August 3, 1966), known professionally as Lenny Bruce, was an American stand-up comedian, social critic, and satirist. Samanikäinen kuin Tony Curtis, ja samanlainen vale-anglosaxi, Levantin kuomuneniä kumpikin. He was renowned for his open, free-wheeling, and critical style of comedy which contained satire, politics, religion, sex, and vulgarity. His 1964 conviction in an obscenity trial was followed by a posthumous pardon in 2003. Saat anteexi, mutta älä enää koskaan niin tee.
ellauri219.html on line 803: Hegemony means that the rest of the world is going to resent you, no matter what you do, because they cannot get away from being sat upon by you, and people don’t like someone else’s ideas and culture and politics and culture wars impinging on their own.
ellauri222.html on line 645: Tambow is Jimmy Klein’s uncle, a “big wheel” in Republican ward politics. Jimmy and Augie pass out campaign literature and do other odd jobs for him. Tambow is divorced and his own sons, Donald and Clem, refuse to work for him. He dies and leaves all his money to Clem and Donald.
ellauri236.html on line 208: Several people, after reading No Orchids, have remarked to me, ‘It's pure Fascism’. This is a correct description, although the book has not the smallest connexion with politics and very little with social or economic problems. It has merely the same relation to Fascism as, say Trollope's novels have to nineteenth-century capitalism. It is a daydream appropriate to a totalitarian age. In his imagined world of gangsters Chase is presenting, as it were, a distilled version of the modern political scene, in which such things as mass bombing of civilians, the use of hostages, torture to obtain confessions, secret prisons, execution without trial, floggings with rubber truncheons, drownings in cesspools, systematic falsification of records and statistics, treachery, bribery, and quislingism are normal and morally neutral, even admirable when they are done in a large and bold way. The average man is not directly interested in politics, and when he reads, he wants the current struggles of the world to be translated into a simple story about individuals. He can take an interest in Slim and Fenner as he could not in the G.P.U. and the Gestapo. People worship power in the form in which they are able to understand it. A twelve-year-old boy worships Jack Dempsey. An adolescent in a Glasgow slum worships Al Capone. An aspiring pupil at a business college worships Lord Nuffield. A New Statesman reader worships Stalin. There is a difference in intellectual maturity, but none in moral outlook. Thirty years ago the heroes of popular fiction had nothing in common with Mr. Chase's gangsters and detectives, and the idols of the English liberal intelligentsia were also comparatively sympathetic figures. Between Holmes and Fenner on the one hand, and between Abraham Lincoln and Stalin on the other, there is a similar gulf.
ellauri243.html on line 730: Endymion is very like Benjy´s autobiography, with his boring English politics woven into the thread of the story. The action and conversations are distributed between characters who had figured in English politics and the fashionable romances of Europe during the last forty years.
ellauri243.html on line 736: Job Thornberry comes into the story with the Anti-Corn-Law League, representing the remarkable change in English politics from the time before Napoleonic wars when the 10% richest guys were local landowners to after the wars when the merchants and industrialists had become the nobs (am. head honchos). This change of mens of production necessitated the passage of Reform Bills that favored Millian laissez-faire by the Conservative Derby-Disraeli ministries. Job Thornberry may be Richard Cobden; for he certainly has much of Cobden´s subject in him. The energetic and capable minister Lord Roehampton is taken to be Lord Palmerston, and Count Ferrol is perhaps Bismarck. Neuchatel, the great banker, is the historical Rothschild; Cardinal Henry Edward Manning figures as the tendentious papist Nigel Penruddock.
ellauri247.html on line 177: The Tory Samuel Johnson was a critic of her politics: Sir, there is one Mrs. Macaulay in this town, a great republican. One day when I was at her house, I put on a very grave countenance, and said to her, "Madam, I am now become a convert to your way of thinking. I am convinced that all mankind are upon an equal footing; and to give you an unquestionable proof, Madam, that I am in earnest, here is a very sensible, civil, well-behaved fellow-citizen, your footman; I desire that he may be allowed to sit down and dine with us." I thus, Sir, shewed her the absurdity of the levelling doctrine. She has never liked me since. Sir, your levellers wish to level down as far as themselves; but they cannot bear levelling up to themselves. They would all have some people under them; why not then have some people above them?
ellauri247.html on line 419: Called the “Queen of the Blues”, Elizabeth Montagu led and hosted the Blue Stockings Society of England from about 1750. It was a loose organization of privileged women with an interest in education, but it waned in popularity at the end of the 18th century. It gathered to discuss literature, and also invited educated men to participate. Talk of politics was prohibited; literature and the arts were the main subjects. Many of the bluestocking women supported each other in intellectual endeavors such as reading, art work, and writing. Many also published literature. Dr. Johnson once wrote about Montagu, that “She diffuses more knowledge than any woman I know, or indeed, almost any man. Conversing with her, you may find variety in one“.
ellauri254.html on line 517: In Munich, the Cosmic Circle of Ludwig Klages and Alfred Schuler, deeming "the Jew the enemy of the human race," gave their erstwhile leader, Stefan George, this ultimatum: "What is your stand on Judah?" He replied that he wished he had more such deep-throated Jewish disciples as Wolfskehl. George's views continued to overlap with those of the Cosmic Circle, especially in invoking the pagan earth mother of "Templars." Actually what first launched the George cult on a nationwide basis was Klages's own book, Stefan George, of 1902. The accusation of Klages's Nazism by indignantly pointing out that the Nazis distinctly distanced themselves from Klages. Though the Nazis shared Klages's basic metapolitics and had found him useful for propaganda among professors, they later found the Klages-Schuler cult embarrassing. The intensity of George's break with Klages-Schuler is paralleled by Nietzsche's break with the Jew-hater Richard Wagner; in both cases an intense friendship was severed on the grounds of civilized values higher than friendship. Klages thought that Nazis and Israelis were both wrong in thinking they were the chosen people, with the difference that the Jews had actually already won the beauty contest.
ellauri254.html on line 887: After his forced resignation from active politics in 1989, Tikhonov wrote a letter to Mikhail Gorbachev which stated that he regretted supporting his election to the General Secretaryship. This view was strengthened when the Communist Party was banned in the Soviet Union. After his retirement, he lived the rest of his life in seclusion at his dacha. As one of his friends noted, he lived as "a hermit" and never showed himself in public and that his later life was very difficult as he had no children and because his wife had died. Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union Tikhonov worked as a State Advisor to the Supreme Soviet. Tikhonov died on 1 June 1997 and was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery. Shortly before his death, he wrote a letter addressed to Yeltsin: "I ask you to bury me at public expense, since I have no financial savings."
ellauri256.html on line 46: Rozanov frequently referred to himself as Fyodor Dostoyevsky's "Underground Man" and proclaimed his right to espouse contrary opinions at the same time. He first attracted attention in the 1890s when he published political sketches in the conservative newspaper Novoye Vremya ("New Time"), owned and run by Aleksey Suvorin. Rozanov's comments, always paradoxical and sparking controversy, led him into clashes with the Tsarist government and with radicals such as Lenin. For example, Rozanov readily passed from criticism of Russian Orthodoxy, and even of what he saw as the Christian preoccupation with death, to fervent praise of Christian faith, from praise of Judaism to unabashed anti-Semitism, and from acceptance of homosexuality as yet another side of human nature to vitriolic accusations that Gogol and some other writers had been latent homosexuals.[citation needed] He proclaimed that politics was "obsolete" because "God doesn't want politics any more," constructed an "apocalypse of our times," and recommended the "healthy instincts" of the Russian people, their longing for authority, and their hostility to modernism.
ellauri263.html on line 391: Both dramas rely on protagonists entrusted with critical jobs despite routinely reckless behaviour. Both test your patience. In the case of Fauda, it’s not just the politics but also the relentless machismo; midway into the second series it feels like watching interchangeable rooms full of men in guns and distressed denim, each at some point telling a female character: “Don’t worry, I’ll get us out of here.”
ellauri264.html on line 136: Groypers, sometimes called the Groyper Army, are a group of white nationalist and far-right activists, provocateurs and internet trolls who are notable for their attempts to introduce far-right politics into mainstream conservatism in the United States, their participation in the 2021 United States Capitol attack and the protests leading up to it, and their extremist views. They are known for targeting other conservative groups and individuals whose agendas they view as too moderate and insufficiently nationalist.
ellauri264.html on line 413: He is a regular in the national media, from the New York Times to The Today Show, and also serves as a frequent speaker. Norm is twice bestselling author labeled America’s Fiercest Trial Lawyer, a prolific blogger. Additionally, he serves as the host of the Pattis On Justice podcast. The podcast focuses on Law, politics, crime, and culture—in a word, "convict".
ellauri266.html on line 344: Who knows perhaps one day these upper-class working women in teaching, in office jobs, in factories, in pubic services, are part of the answer to the lady from Oakland. As men become more accustomed to dealing with women colleagues and service staff, they will come to their senses and discuss with their partners sports events, the stock market, automobiles, politics, religion, philosophy, natural history, or science as they are waiting for their seed guns to reload. All the more enriched will be the relationship between them.
ellauri269.html on line 54: An important advance over these traditional classifications is TV Tropes. TV Tropes is a wiki website that collects and documents descriptions and examples of plot conventions and devices, which it refers to as tropes, within many creative works. Since its establishment in 2004, the site has shifted focus from covering various tropes to those in general media, toys, writings, and their associated fandoms, as well as some non-media subjects such as history, geography, and politics. The nature of the site as a provider of commentary on pop culture and fiction has attracted attention and criticism from several web personalities and blogs. Non-Playing Characters are non-voluntarist characters who let others make their life decisions.
ellauri269.html on line 591: Just because Yrel went full on inquisition is not a commentary on Modern Israel and their foreign or domestic politics. Additionally the Jewish people were not the only ones led by a prophet.
ellauri269.html on line 596: Just because Yrel went full on inquisition is not a commentary on Modern Israel and their foreign or domestic politics. Do you want to read my post again? I literally said it’s not that, even if it might come across as that in light of the Jewish inspiration..
ellauri278.html on line 194: In 1904, Chicherin inherited the estate of his famous uncle in Tambov Governorate and became very wealthy. He immediately used his new fortune to support revolutionary activities in the runup to the Russian Revolution of 1905 and was forced to flee abroad to avoid arrest late in that year. He spent the next 13 years in London, Paris and Berlin, where he joined the Menshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party and was active in emigre politics. In Imperial Germany, he underwent medical treatment in attempts to cure his homosexuality.
ellauri279.html on line 208: Dmitri Mikhailovich Alperovitch (born 1980) is a Russian American think-tank founder, investor, philanthropist, podcast host and former computer security industry executive. He is the chairman of Silverado Policy Accelerator, a geopolitics think-tank in Washington, D.C. and a co-founder and former chief technology officer of CrowdStrike. Alperovitch is a naturalized U.S. citizen born in Russia who came to the United States in 1994 with his family. Following Russian invasion of Ukraine, Alperovitch became the host of Geopolitics Decanted podcast, where he discusses current geopolitical events with militarily experts, historians, economists and political scientists. He is one of the 100 leading global thinkers in foreign policy 2013. Alperovitch even got a nod from President Trump when the leader (erroneously) called out CrowdStrike as “owned by a very rich Ukrainian.” (It’s assumed he was talking about Alperovitch, who is a cofounder and was born in Moscow to Russian parents.)
ellauri281.html on line 193: In 1904, Chicherin inherited the estate of his famous uncle in Tambov Governorate and became very wealthy. He immediately used his new fortune to support revolutionary activities in the runup to the Russian Revolution of 1905 and was forced to flee abroad to avoid arrest late in that year. He spent the next 13 years in London, Paris and Berlin, where he joined the Menshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party and was active in emigre politics. In Imperial Germany, he underwent medical treatment in attempts to cure his homosexuality.
ellauri311.html on line 396: Claus: Plenty people do not agree that Scandinavia is an example to follow in regards to culture and politics, including a sizeable minority
ellauri313.html on line 173: That being said, at 500 pages, the book takes on a lot and doesn't adequately address it all. There's the nominal plot, which concerns the Yugoslav mafia in Sweden; but there's also a new relationship for Annika, which is complicated; the politics of the newspaper she works for; fundamental questions about the role of the welfare state; and questions about the role of a newspaper vis a vis law enforcement. This all kind of dropped off toward the end of the book, and I didn't find the conclusion to be particularly satisfying. I felt impatient with Annika's (main character), histrionics and irrationality.
ellauri313.html on line 180: The novel at its beginning from my point of view was promising for a good job, but then I found only unnecessary prolongation, weak plot, and an attempt to mix crime with politics in a way that was unsuccessful for me (jag är en saudi sandneger som skriver på arabiska).
ellauri321.html on line 159: As Christians, religion curbs them not in their opinions; the general indulgence leaves every one to think for themselves in spiritual matters; the laws inspect our actions, our thoughts are left to God. Industry, good living, selfishness, litigiousness, country politics, the pride of freemen, religious indifference, are their characteristics. If you recede still farther from the sea, you will come into more modern settlements; they exhibit the same strong lineaments, in a ruder appearance. Religion seems to have still less influence, and their manners are less improved, and they carry guns.
ellauri322.html on line 93: In contemplating the whole of this subject, I extend my views into the department of commerce. In all my publications, where the matter would admit, I have been an advocate for commerce, because I am a friend to its effects. It is a pacific system, operating to cordialise mankind, by rendering nations, as well as individuals, useful to each other. As to the mere theoretical reformation, I have never preached it up. The most effectual process is that of improving the condition of man by means of his interest; and it is on this ground that I take my stand. If commerce were permitted to act to the universal extent it is capable, it would extirpate the system of war, and produce a revolution in the uncivilised state of governments. The invention of commerce has arisen since those governments began, and is the greatest approach towards universal civilisation that has yet been made by any means not immediately flowing from moral principles. Whatever has a tendency to promote the civil intercourse of nations by an exchange of benefits, is a subject as worthy of philosophy as of politics.
ellauri328.html on line 515: 
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ellauri333.html on line 350: Surnames are an important detail to know about people and they do highlight the uniqueness of not only each individual, but also each community in the world. However, upon critical interrogation of the nature of surnames, one can also understand that they play a huge role in segregationist and exclusionary politics. Indiands are a huge pile of assholes. It is a pity there are so many of them.
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ellauri369.html on line 359: As a boy, Teufelsdröckh was left in a basket on the doorstep of a childless couple in the German country town of Entepfuhl ("Duck-Pond"); his father a retired sergeant of Frederick the Great and his mother a very pious woman, who to Teufelsdröckh´s gratitude, raises him in utmost spiritual discipline. In very flowery language, Teufelsdröckh recalls at length the values instilled in his idyllic childhood, the Editor noting most of his descriptions originating in intense spiritual pride. Teufelsdröckh eventually is recognized as being clever, and sent to Hinterschlag (slap-behind) Gymnasium. While there, Teufelsdröckh is intellectually stimulated, and befriended by a few of his teachers, but frequently bullied by other students. His reflections on this time of his life are ambivalent: glad for his education, but critical of that education´s disregard for actual human activity and character, as regarding both his own treatment and his education´s application to politics. While at University, Teufelsdröckh encounters the same problems, but eventually gains a small teaching post and some favour and recognition from the German nobility. While interacting with these social circles, Teufelsdröckh meets a woman he calls Blumine (Goddess of Flowers; the Editor assumes this to be a pseudonym), and abandons his teaching post to pursue her. She spurns his advances for a British aristocrat named Towgood. Teufelsdröckh is thrust into a spiritual crisis, and leaves the city to wander the European countryside, but even there encounters Blumine and Towgood on their honeymoon. He sinks into a deep depression, culminating in the celebrated Everlasting No, disdaining all human activity. Still trying to piece together the fragments, the Editor surmises that Teufelsdröckh either fights in a war during this period, or at least intensely uses its imagery, which leads him to a "Centre of Indifference", and on reflection of all the ancient villages and forces of history around him, ultimately comes upon the affirmation of all life in "The Everlasting Yea". The Editor, in relief, promises to return to Teufelsdröckh´s book, hoping with the of his assembled biography to glean some new insight into the philosophy. Wow, sounds a lot like Carlyle´s personal biography, lightly camouflaged?
ellauri375.html on line 690: The conflicts in the Holy Land, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, have deep historical roots and are influenced by a multitude of factors, including religion, politics, and territorial disputes. While the Roman Empire's actions had an impact on the region, the complexities of the conflict cannot be attributed solely to events during the Pax Romana.
ellauri381.html on line 166: Post-Soviet southeastern Ukraine differed from the west of the country all these years in that it did not have its own identity or national identity. This resulted in quite a sad circumstance, given that even when representatives of the southeast were in power in Kiev, the whole humanitarian sphere of politics was left in the hands of Ukrainian nationalists from Galicia.
xxx/ellauri081.html on line 311: His era was later labeled as La Grande Noirceur ("The Great Darkness") by its critics, due to his support of strong Catholic traditions, his support of private property rights vis-a-vis growing labour rights movements, and his strong opposition not only to Communism, but also to secularism, feminism, environmentalism, leftist separatism and other non-conservative and progressive political trends and movements that would influence Quebec politics and society over the following 60 years, starting with the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s under his Liberal successor Jean Lesage.
xxx/ellauri087.html on line 454: Many authors have borrowed the phrase "World enough and time" from the poem's opening line to use in their book title or inside. The most famous is Robert Penn Warren's 1950 novel World Enough and Time: A Romantic Novel, about murder in early-19th-century Kentucky. (WTF,? bet Ernest Heminway's booklet Farewell for Arms (p. 129) is famouser.) With variations, it has also been used for books on the philosophy of physics (World Enough and Space-Time: Absolute versus Relational Theories of Space and Time), geopolitics (World Enough and Time: Successful Strategies for Resource Management), a science-fiction collection (Worlds Enough & Time: Five Tales of Speculative Fiction), and a biography of the poet (World Enough and Time: The Life of Andrew Marvell). The phrase is used as a title chapter in Andreas Wagner's pop science book on the origin of variation in organisms, "Arrival of the Fittest". The verse serves as an epigraph to Mimesis, literary critic Erich Auerbach's most famous book. It is also the title of an episode of Big Finnish Productions's The Diary of River Song series 2, and of part 1 of Doctor Who's Series 10 finale. It is the title of a Star Trek New Voyages fan episode where George Takei reprises his role as Sulu after being lost in a rift in time. The title of Robert A. Heinlein's 1973 novel Time Enough for Love also echoes this line.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 327: In politics, left refers to people and groups that have liberal views. That generally means they support progressive reforms, especially those seeking greater social and economic equality. The far left is often used for what is considered more extreme, revolutionary views, such as communism and socialism. Collectively, people and groups, as well as the positions they hold, are referred to as the Left or the left wing. What does right mean?
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 332: The origin of the political left and right in politics do actually have to with the physical directions, left and right. Time for a history lesson.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 603: Many will scoff at this ranking, saying Serbia is some vast tundra of middle Russia, right? For its abysmal nationalist politics and icy relations with neighbors, we rank Serbia even higher than Sibiria. It feels like home.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 819: John Raleigh Mott is an American like Emily Greene Balch, with whom he shares this year’s Nobel Peace Prize. He was born in Sullivan County in the state of New York on May 25, 1865. It was assumed that he would follow in the footsteps of his father, a timber merchant engaged in transporting timber on the tributaries of the Delaware River. But he was an avid reader, and the town’s Methodist minister persuaded his parents to allow him to continue his studies. For a long time the boy did not know what he wanted to be. His father hoped that he would return to the timber trade, while he himself vacillated between the church, law, and politics. But during his years of study he was stirred by the Gospel of Christ to mankind, and when the Y.M.C.A. asked him to become a traveling secretary among the students of American and Canadian universities he interpreted the offer as a call from the Lord. He answered the call. It did not take him back to the Delaware River. It sent him out into the wide world and it has brought him here today.
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 180: The topic I had submitted instead was “fiction and identity politics,” which may sound on its face equally dreary. But you just wait, Enry Iggins! You just wait!
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 250: Thus in the world of identity politics, fiction writers better be careful. If we do choose to import representatives of protected groups, special rules apply. If a character happens to be black, they have to be treated with kid gloves, and never be placed in scenes that, taken out of context, might seem disrespectful. But that’s no way to write. We know that most criminals are black anyway, and many if not most blacks are criminal. Writing to hide that fact would be writing fiction, and we fiction writers have your responsibility toward the white audience. The burden is too great, the self-examination paralysing. The natural result of that kind of criticism in the Post is that next time I don’t use any black characters, lest they do or say anything that is short of perfectly admirable and lovely. (No ei munkaan olis pitänyt alottaa tätä albumia, jossa haukutaan törkimyxiä jotka sattuu olemaan naisia. Äkkiä se kääntyyy naisten haukkumisexi sillä tekosyyllä, että ne sattuu olemaan törkimyxiä. Ehkä se onkin sitä!)
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 264: Now I proceed to the topic "The left’s embrace of gotcha hypersensitivity inevitably invites backlash." Why, it’s largely in order to keep from losing my fictional mojo that I stay off Facebook and Twitter, which could surely install an instinctive self-censorship out of fear of attack. Ten years ago, I gave the opening address of this same festival, in which I maintained that fiction writers have a vested interest in protecting everyone’s right to offend others – because if hurting someone else’s feelings even inadvertently is sufficient justification for muzzling, there will always be someone out there who is miffed by what you say, and freedom of speech is dead. Why, freedom of speech is just about miffing! What's the use of the freedom if you are not allowed to miff! With the rise of identity politics, which privileges a subjective sense of injury as actionable basis for prosecution, that is a battle that in the decade since I last spoke in Brisbane we’ve been losing.
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 268: Regarding identity politics, what’s especially saddened me in my recent career is a trend toward rejecting the advocacy of anyone who does not belong to the group. In 2013, I published Big Brother, a novel that grew out of my loss of my own older brother, who in 2009 died from the complications of morbid obesity. I was moved to write the book not only from grief, but also sympathy of morbid obesity: in the years before his death, as my brother grew heavier, I saw how dreadfully other people treated him – how he would be seated off in a corner of a restaurant, how the staff would roll their eyes at each other after he’d ordered, though he hadn’t requested more food than anyone else. Just a little wafer, is all.
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 276: I worry that the clamorous world of identity politics is also undermining the very causes its activists claim to back. As a fiction writer, yeah, I do sometimes make my narrator an Armenian. But that’s only by way of a start. Merely being Armenian is not to have a character as I understand the word. I need to add a whole host of racial prejudices to fatten him out. Luckily I didn't need to do that with my bro.
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 305: Lionel Shriver’s real targets were cultural appropriation, identity politics and political correctness. It was a monologue about the right to exploit the stories of “others”, simply because it is useful for one’s story.
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 323: There is a fascinating philosophical argument here. Instead, however, that core question was used as a straw man. Shriver’s real targets were cultural appropriation, identity politics and political correctness. It was a monologue about the right to exploit the stories of “others”, simply because it is useful for one’s story.
xxx/ellauri122.html on line 772: Business Insider has compiled a list of 25 such classics, drawn from Amazon’s list of 100 lifetime books, Goodreads recommendations, and the opinions of the editors. A common trend among these books is their exploration of politics, history, and human conditions - insights which allow these literature to withstand the test of time. Here’s the list:
xxx/ellauri124.html on line 348: Bustle is an online American women's magazine founded in August 2013 by Bryan Goldberg. It positions news and politics alongside articles about beauty, celebrities, and fashion trends. By September 2016, the website had 50 million monthly readers.
xxx/ellauri127.html on line 715: Thomas Rowley (1721–1796) was a famous poet of Vermont, known both as the spokesman for Ethan Allen and dubbed “The Bard of the Green Mountains.” During his lifetime and before the American Revolution, his poetry gained the reputation with the catchphrase of "Setting the Balls on Fire." Rowley's poetry actually focused not only on politics, but also on the pleasantness and rustic nature of pioneer life, with humor and witty observations. For example, in another poetic inventory of his "estate", he sums up that he has virtually nothing, but still he was independent and happy.
xxx/ellauri128.html on line 459: Wystan Hugh Auden (/ˈwɪstən ˈhjuː ˈɔːdən/ 21 February 1907 – 29 September 1973) was an Anglo-American poet. Auden´s poetry was noted for its stylistic and technical achievement, its engagement with politics, morals, love, and religion, and its variety in tone, form, and content. Some of his best known poems are about love, such as "Funeral Blues"; on political and social themes, such as "September 1, 1939" and "The Shield of Achilles"; on cultural and psychological themes, such as The Age of Anxiety; and on religious themes such as "For the Time Being" and "Horae Canonicae".
xxx/ellauri157.html on line 591: Some scholars believe there is a politics implicit in Rogers's approach to psychotherapy. Toward the end of his life, Rogers came to that view himself. The central tenet of a Rogerian, person-centered politics is that public life does not have to consist of an endless series of winner-take-all battles among sworn opponents; rather, it can and should consist of an ongoing win-win conspiracy among all the cheats. (For details, watch Legally Blonde, Part II.)
xxx/ellauri176.html on line 835: Jordan served in the RAF, worked as a traveling sales representative and was also a maths teacher at a secondary boys school in Coventry before committing to politics full-time. He was dismissed by the board of governors of the Coventry school where he taught in August 1962 after a period of air suspension.
xxx/ellauri176.html on line 846: Contains discussion of topics such as politics, anti-Semitism, child abuse and suicide that some readers may find upsetting.
xxx/ellauri176.html on line 855: What is the 'alt-right'? Who coined the term 'alt-right'? The white supremacist Richard Spencer devised the term in 2010. He has described the movement as "identity politics for white Americans and for Europeans around the world". What does it stand for? The movement supports extreme rightwing ideologies, including white nationalism – used interchangeably with white supremacism – and antisemitism. It positions itself broadly against egalitarianism, democracy, universalism and multiculturalism.
xxx/ellauri179.html on line 801: Mencken praised women, though he believed they should remain in the background of industry and politics. In personal letters especially, Mencken would write that women should appreciate men and do their best to support them. Although Mencken did not intend to demean women, his description of his "ideal scene" with a woman in the 1922 edition was not conventionally progressive:
xxx/ellauri179.html on line 803: It is the close of a busy and vexatious day—say half past five or six o´clock of a winter afternoon. I have had a cocktail or two, and am stretched out on a divan in front of a fire, smoking. At the edge of the divan, close enough for me to reach her with my hands, sits a woman not too young, but still good-looking and well dressed—above all, a woman with a soft, low-pitched, agreeable voice. As I snooze she talks—of anything, everything, all the things that women talk of: books, music, the play, men, other women. No politics. No business. No religion. No metaphysics. Nothing challenging and vexatious—but remember, she is intelligent; what she says is clearly expressed... Gradually I fall asleep—but only for an instant... then to sleep again—slowly and charmingly down that slippery hill of dreams. And then awake again, and then asleep again, and so on. I ask you seriously: could anything be more unutterably beautiful?
xxx/ellauri179.html on line 806: Mencken often espoused views of politics, religion, and metaphysics that stressed their grotesqueness and absurdity; in this context, escape from the supposed fraud of such somber subjects was welcome to him.
xxx/ellauri193.html on line 128: Before South Africa became a republic in 1961, politics among white South Africans was typified by the division between the mainly Afrikaner pro-republic conservative and the largely English anti-republican liberal sentiments, with the legacy of the Boer War still a factor for some people. Once South Africa became a republic, Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd called for improved relations and greater accord between people of British descent and the Afrikaners. He claimed that the only difference was between those in favour of apartheid and those against it. The ethnic division would no longer be between Afrikaans and English speakers, but between blacks and whites.
xxx/ellauri193.html on line 306: Carlson has been a leading voice of white grievance politics. His remarks on race, immigration, and women – including slurs he said about kinky pubic hair between 2006 and 2011 (which resurfaced in 2019) – have for some reason been described as racist and sexist, as have his advertiser boycotts in Tucker Carlson Show. As of July 2021, his was the most-watched cable news show in the United States.
xxx/ellauri193.html on line 328: "Moonbat" is a pejorative political epithet used in United States politics, referring to liberals, progressives, or leftists (especially the far-left). Bat-like people on the Moon were part of the 1835 Great Moon hoax.
xxx/ellauri193.html on line 434: In 1981, Gordimer stated: “I am not a feminist, except insofar as I carry, still, the tattered panties of full human rights for all human beings” (Rand Daily Mail, May 14, 1981). In 1984, she described feminism as “piffling” in the face of the larger struggles of national liberation, a not unfamiliar hierarchization of priorities in South African politics, then and now.
xxx/ellauri199.html on line 1033: From the Back Cover: A tale of identity politics and imagination
xxx/ellauri208.html on line 539: Habermas identified five attributes he said Europeans share: the neutrality of authority, embodied in the separation of church and state, trust in politics rather than the capitalist market, an ethos of solidarity in the fight for social justice, high esteem for international law and the rights of the individual and support for the organizational and leading role of the state.
xxx/ellauri227.html on line 344: Despite the titillating title, there's no sex to speak of in Marklund's second thriller featuring Swedish reporter Annika Bengtzon. The events in this book precede those in The Bomber, which introduced Annika as a successful newspaper editor. Here we see her eight years earlier, working as a summer intern at the same Stockholm paper. A young stripper's body is found in a city park, and as Annika and her colleagues investigate, they discover some strange links between the murder, high-ranking Swedish officials, and an illegal espionage operation long since disbanded. Meanwhile, Annika is struggling with a clingy boyfriend and learning the ins and outs of reporting in a competitive environment. These struggles are more compelling than the crimes she is investigating, and the action tends to move at a snail's pace until the rushed climax. However, fans of The Bomber will enjoy a second dose of spunky Annika and the realistic newsroom scenes. An author's note gives helpful background information on Swedish politics and the real-life inspiration for the story.
xxx/ellauri232.html on line 90: The Social Democratic Party defined Swedish politics during the last century, holding power for more than forty consecutive years, and governing for almost seventy years in total. During the 1980s, the party turned rightwards, adopting the politics of the ‘Third Way’, caught in the first wave of neoliberalism. It lost the power base of industrial workers as industries moved abroad. The following decades saw rapid increases in class divisions, growing faster in Sweden than in any other country within the OECD.
xxx/ellauri252.html on line 577: Vitut tää on mikään "huikea jännityskertomus". Tää on Maj Sjöwallin vajakkimainen post mortem pamfletti. Som Carl von Clausewitz så fiffigt fick det till: War is the continuation of politics by other means. The Western way of conducting war is built on five foundations; superior technology, disciplined soldiers, the means to finance wars, and military traditions. Ruåzi on pieni mutta nälkäinen kapitalistinen valtio.
xxx/ellauri261.html on line 161: Although Naisbitt has not written an explicitly political book, Megatrends expressed early enthusiasm for radical centrist politics. The book states, in bolded type, "The political left and right are dead; all the action is being generated by a radical center." Buahaha, kaverihan oli personisti.
xxx/ellauri281.html on line 488: More interested in sports than in studying, Miller got into the University of Michigan, where he began writing plays and sharpened his interest in radical politics — an interest that would lead to his testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1956. (Miller had attended Communist Party meetings but said he had not been a member; he was convicted of contempt of Congress, a charge later dismissed, for not naming others who had attended.)
xxx/ellauri281.html on line 724: John Train, Paris Review Co-Founder and Cold War Operative, sentään kuoli 94-vuotiaana 2022, onnexi. His career, ranging from literature to finance to war, and from France to Afghanistan, seemed to cover every interest and issue of his exalted social class. Yet he was also an operator in high finance and world affairs who, by one researcher’s account, had ties to U.S. secret services. Mr. Train founded and ran a leading financial firm devoted to preserving the money of rich families, and he worked to support the mujahedeen in their fight against the Soviet Union in the 1980s. The Guardian reported that Train, Smith had $375 million under management in 1984. In 1986, Fortune magazine wrote that Mr. Train’s firm “claims to be the largest in New York serving rich families.” Mr. Train’s books on investing were praised as riveting in The New York Times and “classic” in The Wall Street Journal. Among them were several about successful financiers, whom he referred to as “money masters,” and their techniques. He treated his political interests less jokingly. A committed cold warrior, he wrote for The Wall Street Journal about military affairs. He became concerned that the conspiracy-monger Lyndon LaRouche was a “possible Soviet agent.” (Lyndon began in far-left politics but in the 1970s moved to the far right and antisemitism.)
xxx/ellauri281.html on line 739: For his evidence, Michels focused on the politics of the democratic and socialist parties in Europe, including the British; and on the administrative bureaucracies of those states. He ignored commercial corporations except for those in the U.S.; there he observed “the existence of an aristocracy of millionaires, railway kings, oil kings, cattle kings, etc., is now indisputable.” For Michels, aristocracy was synonymous with oligarchy.
xxx/ellauri295.html on line 674: Thomas Malcolm Muggeridge (24 March 1903 – 14 November 1990) was an English journalist and satirist. His father, H. T. Muggeridge, was a socialist politician and one of the early Labour Party Members of Parliament (for Romford, in Essex). In his twenties, Muggeridge was attracted to communism and went to live in the Soviet Union in the 1930s, and the experience turned him into an anti-communist. In the aftermath of the war, he converted to Christianity under the influence of Hugh Kingsmill and helped to bring Mother Teresa to popular attention in the West. He was also a critic of the sexual revolution and of drug use. Muggeridge´s politics changed from an independent socialist point of view to a conservative religious stance. Muggeridge senior pyöri todnäk haudassa kuin hyrrä.
xxx/ellauri304.html on line 625: The Destroyer Series played a huge role in getting me interested in economics, geography, politics, history, and even in Jewish Mysticism and the paranormal! Richard Sapir (+1987) after all was a Jew. The Body, which was made into a movie in 2001, is about a Jewish archaeologist who finds a skeleton underneath an Arab shopkeeper's basement that might be the body of Jesus and the American Jesuit priest who is sent by the Vatican to investigate.
xxx/ellauri312.html on line 650: There is a place where we are always alone with our own mortality, where we must simply have something greater than ourselves to hold onto—God or history or politics or literature or a belief in the healing power of love, or even righteous anger. Sometimes I think they are all the same. A reason to believe, a way to take the world by the throat and insist that there is more to this life than we have ever imagined (Allison 1994, p. 181; PSH, p. 161)
xxx/ellauri354.html on line 275: By this time, Notari, born into a poor family, had become quite well-to-do. In 1901 he had married a rich widow, bought an estate, and established a literary salon; in 1910, he launched a publishing house, Società Anonima Notari, through which he later published classical editions, musical scores, and some of his own work, including the first few of what would become a long list of journals devoted to a variety of topics that interested him: sports, theater, medicine, finance, the culinary arts, and, of course, politics.
xxx/ellauri376.html on line 62: Hannu Salama was born 1936 in Kouvola, Kymenlaakso region in Southern Finland. Figures. He spent his childhood in the Pispala district of the city of Tampere, in a traditional working-class area with working class politics and culture. Following in the footsteps of his father, Salama first worked as an electrician and a farm hand. Tollaset kynäilijät on ihmisinä aivan perseenreijästä.
xxx/ellauri380.html on line 488: Arab political culture is based on a high degree of social stratification, very much like that of the defunct Soviet Union and very much unlike the upwardly mobile, meritocratic, democratic United States. Change is unlikely to come until it occurs in the larger Arab political culture. Our own example suggests that the military can have a democratizing influence on the larger political culture, as officers bring the lessons of their training first into their professional environment, then into the larger society. Until Arab politics begin to change at fundamental levels, which involves chucking the rags and buying Coke, Arab armies, whatever the courage or proficiency of individual officers and men, are unlikely to acquire the range of qualities which modern fighting forces require for success on the battlefield.
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