ellauri083.html on line 224: She refuses to accept the fairy tale that Charles Darnay changed his ways by "intending" to renounce his title to the lands to give them to the peasants who worked on them. In your dreams Charlie.
ellauri110.html on line 318: Lydia Volchaninova, a good-looking, but very stern and opinionated young teacher with somewhat dictatorial inclinations is deeply engaged in the affairs of the local zemstvo. Devoted to the cause of helping peasants, she is interested in doing and speaking of nothing but practical work, mostly in the fields of medicine and education. Lydia dislikes the protagonist, a landscape painter, who frequently visits their house. From time to time the two clash over problems of both the rural community and Russia as a whole.
ellauri180.html on line 575: The worst of it is that all are made equal by this darkness, kings are brought to the level of peasants and all suffer together.
ellauri190.html on line 275: In 1648, a Kozak leader called Zinoviy Bohdan Khmelnytsky (Polish transliteration, Chmielnicki) started a war on the Polish crown. Initially, it was his own personal vendetta on a Polish landlord who stole his land, but very soon it grew into a colossal uprising of the Kozaks and Ukrainian peasants against their Polish landlords. The people fought (the way they knew how) against the feudal oppression, as well as against forced Catholicization and Polonization of Ukraine. Unfortunately, it turned into a fratricide. (Sorry Poles, of course we are on the same side now.) The main adversary of Khmelnytsky was Prince Yarema (Jeremiah) Korybut-Vyshnevetsky, a Rusyn-Ukrainian, a noble valiant knight and a great statesman who, nonetheless, kept his allegiance to the Polish king (whom he personally hated, but could not break his knight’s oath of loyalty). Both sides resorted to unspeakable cruelties. Most tragically, Khmelnysky, a brave warrior as he was, turned out to be a horribly short-sighted politician. In January 1654, he essentially surrendered Ukraine to Muscovy, approving what he thought was a temporary military union against the Republic but turned out to be the beginning of the “Russian” (actually Muscovite) occupation of Ukraine. It just goes to show: give a pinky finger to the Russkies and they take the whole hand.
ellauri190.html on line 299: Cossack numbers increased when the warriors were joined by peasants escaping serfdom in Russia and dependence in the Commonwealth. Attempts by the szlachta to turn the Zaporozhian Cossacks into peasants eroded the formerly strong Cossack loyalty towards the Commonwealth. The government constantly rebuffed Cossack ambitions for recognition as equal to the szlachta. Plans for transforming the Polish–Lithuanian two-nation Commonwealth into a Polish–Lithuanian–Ruthenian Commonwealth made little progress, due to the unpopularity among the Ruthenian szlachta of the idea of Ruthenian Cossacks being equal to them and their elite becoming members of the szlachta. The Cossacks' strong historic allegiance to the Eastern Orthodox Church also put them at odds with officials of the Roman Catholic-dominated Commonwealth. Tensions increased when Commonwealth policies turned from relative tolerance to suppression of the Eastern Orthodox Church after the Union of Brest. The Cossacks became strongly anti-Roman Catholic, an attitude that became synonymous with anti-Polish. Did that make them any more pro-Russian? Naah.
ellauri198.html on line 851: As Yeats aged, he saw Ireland change in ways that angered him. The Anglo-Irish Protestant minority no longer controlled Irish society and culture. According to Yeats’s unblushingly antidemocratic view, the greatness of Anglo-Irishmen such as Jonathan Swift, philosopher George Berkeley, and statesman Edmund Burke, contrasted sharply with the undistinguished commonness of contemporary Irish society, which seemed preoccupied with the interests of merchants and bloody peasants. He laid out his unpopular opinions in late plays such as Purgatory (1938) and the essays of On the Boiler (1939).
ellauri210.html on line 79: His best known play The Playboy of the Western World was poorly received, due to its bleak ending, demeaning depiction of Irish bloody peasants, and idealisation of parricide, leading to hostile audience reactions and riots in Dublin.
ellauri267.html on line 1401: Even as late as the 19th century, "Sebastianist" peasants in the town of Canudos in the Brazilian sertão believed that the king would return to help them in their rebellion against the "godless" Brazilian republic.
ellauri275.html on line 99: Eniten venäläisten reformeista ja rahakorvauxista hyötyivät prinssitason maanomistajat kuten just nää Tsavtsavadset. joilla oli yli 1000 sielua per pää. Suurin osa isännistä oli pienomistajia joilla oli alle 20 sielua. Orjien vapautuxessa maa jäi maanomistajille ja vapautetut orjat sai "neuvotella" siitä uudet "sopparit". Jos ne ei miellyttäneet sai lähtee menee. Bloody peasants sai lunastaa porholta maatilkkunsa jos niillä oli rahaa. Käytännössä ne joutuivat ottamaan lainaa maapankista jota ne ei ikinä pystyneet maxamaan. Tää velkaorjuus jatkui vuoteen 1912 saakka. Ainoa tulos oli että bloody peasantit köyhtyivät entisestään ja niiden maapläntit pienenivät puoleen. Vauraat venäläistyneet aateliset saivat sevverran tukia etteivät rettelöineet, vaikka niiden isät oli vielä vannoneet listivänsä ryssän keisarin. Ketkään ei olleet tyytyväisiä ryssien uudelleenjärjestelyihin, ja siemenet oli kylvetty stalinismin nousulle.
ellauri370.html on line 330: Bloody peasants
ellauri402.html on line 489: In Vientirauha, Pihkala offered an opportunity for “white leaders... who took part in an activist movement or in the preparations for the struggle for freedom... the most active voluntary way to fight Bolshevism.“ Vientirauha was a significant successor to the so-called white Finnish ideology and the way to maintain the activist network. Breaking the strikes also led to bloody clashes. Bloody peasants!
ellauri424.html on line 176: "As for a Ukraine... Yes. Alas. Treachery is one of the qualities of the Maloross character ['maloross' coming from Malorussia , literally 'little Russia'- the old imperial Russian name for the southeastern part of Ukraine that used to be a part if 'greater' Russia]. Simply for the reason that the Malorosses are a peasant branch of the a Russian people. And peasants are always traitors by nature. That's life."
ellauri479.html on line 280: The site was visited in 1875 by Claude Reignier Conder who was impressed with its height and position in the landscape but not impressed by the "insolent peasants".
ellauri501.html on line 576:
The Followers: He attracted up to 30,000 people, including former slaves, indigenous people, and landless peasants.
ellauri501.html on line 600: - The Real History: The Canudos settlement was primarily a desperate material refuge for starving, landless peasants, ex-slaves, and indigenous populations fleeing brutal drought and feudal oppression by local landowners.
ellauri501.html on line 601: - Llosa's Twist: He deemphasized the socioeconomic factors, reframing the conflict as a clash of absolute, abstract beliefs. By making the peasants look purely motivated by religious fanaticism, he fit them into his ideological narrative that dogmatic faith—whether religious or political—inherently drives humans to irrationality and self-destruction.
ellauri501.html on line 617: 1. The Left-Wing BacklashMany Latin American intellectuals and leftist critics felt Llosa was using the historical tragedy to validate his own rightward political evolution.Erasure of the Poor: Critics accused him of stripping the Brazilian peasants of their legitimate socioeconomic agency. By framing their rebellion as a symptom of religious madness rather than a fight against starvation and landlord tyranny, he made the oppressed look like irrational fanatics.Anti-Revolutionary Propaganda: Leftist reviewers criticized the character of Galileo Gall as a cheap caricature. They argued Llosa constructed a "straw man" anarchist to mock contemporary Marxist revolutionaries and delegitimize 20th-century Latin American liberation movements.The "Objective" Illusion: Critics were highly uneasy with Llosa's implication that he was writing from a neutral vantage point of "common sense". They argued his claim of being "against all dogmas" was itself a deeply ideological, neoconservative defense of the capitalist status quo.
ellauri501.html on line 625: 2. De-Politicizing a Class Struggle. The Issue: Brazilian historians view Canudos as a foundational tragedy of class, race, and land inequality that still plagues the country today.The Backlash: Critics accused the Peruvian author of swooping in and stripping the event of its specific Brazilian context. By turning a concrete struggle against starvation and brutal landowners into an abstract, universal metaphor about "the dangers of ideology," Brazilians felt he erased the very real, ongoing suffering of the sertanejos (backland peasants).3. Cultural Theft and DistortionsThe Issue: Canudos is a deeply sacred historical event for the Brazilian Left and marginalized communities.The Backlash: Many reviewers resented that a foreign writer—who was actively transitioning into a right-wing political figure—used their national trauma as a weapon to lecture Latin America against socialist revolutions. They viewed the book as neo-colonial intellectual theft.We can look into how Brazilian authors themselves have written about Canudos, or explore Llosa's real-life political shift during the time he wrote this book. What would you like to do next?
ellauri501.html on line 639: 3. Colonel Moreira César (The Psychopathic Totalitarian caricature) The Real Person: Antônio Moreira César was indeed a brutal, highly aggressive military colonel. However, his actions were driven by the messy, paranoid, nationalistic fervor of a chaotic, freshly formed republic trying to prevent a monarchist coup. Llosa's Falsification: Llosa turns Moreira César into a cold, clinical, almost robotic psychopath who relishes slaughter. He shapes the colonel into a perfect surrogate for a 20th-century fascistic dictator. This distortion allows Llosa to draw a false moral equivalence, implying that the secular state military and the religious backland peasants were just two identical mirrors of absolute fanaticism.
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 303: Gerhart Hauptmann was born in Ober-Salzbrunn (now Szczawno Zdrój, Poland), a fashionable resort in Silesia. His father was Robert Hauptmann, a hotel owner, and mother Marie (Straehler) Hauptmann. After failing at the gymnasium in Breslau, Gerhart was sent to his uncle's estate. There he became aware of Pietism and learned to know the peasants with whom he worked. Already as a child Hauptmann had started to draw, and he entered the art academy in Breslau, intending to become a sculptor. At the age of twenty he moved to Jena, where he studied history at the university.
xxx/ellauri176.html on line 164: is first of all a misnomer because the priest is alive and well at the end. A mixture of social realism and Walt Disney, it is a tale about a delicate young French priest, Father Mouret (Francis Huster), who elects to take a parish in the provinces where the peasants have long since embraced every sin there is. The priest himself successfully sublimates his own lustful thoughts in prayer until one day he meets a strange young woman, Albine (Gillian Hills), who lives with her atheistic uncle in the remains of an old chateau set in the middle of a magic garden.Well, one thing leads to another and poor Father Mouret loses his memory long enough to lose himself to worldly pleasures in the garden with Albine, who, like Eve, tempts the man, though in this case the author is clearly in favor of apple-eating. Things go very badly for the couple. The priest returns to his church and Albine commits suicide in a way that is unique in my movie-going memory: She smothers herself to death with calla lilies.The actors are steadfastly unconvincing. The one interesting character in the film is an old lady we meet only after her death—someone, we're told in shocked tones, who, during the Revolution, posed naked as a living-statue of Reason.
xxx/ellauri255.html on line 106: Ah come to think of it, could it be because the guys know each other personally and are old competitors in the same territory? Hmm. Members of the police, the most hated of all of the tsarist institutions, had to flee for their lives. In the countryside, particularly, peasants and soldiers returning from the front would loot every alcohol store and every distillery they could find. They would then would start burning and smashing up the estates and the landowners’ manor houses.
xxx/ellauri255.html on line 109: Russian peasants and soldiers queueing up for alcohol in Donbass
xxx/ellauri255.html on line 130: This was almost as unpopular as the Whites’ appalling social policies towards the peasants. The tsarists wanted to get all their land back from the peasants, which of course was going to create a tremendous hatred and fear; as a result, there was almost continual war. The Whites had no proper administration; all they were interested in was taking what they could from these local areas, including food – which in many cases they did not pay for. One almost thinks that the Bolsheviks were onto something there.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 86: In 1931, the dictator general Jorge Ubico came to power, backed by the United States, and initiated one of the most brutally repressive governments in Central American history. Just as Estrada Cabrera had done during his government, Ubico created a widespread network of spies and informants and had large numbers of political opponents tortured and put to death. A wealthy aristocrat (with an estimated income of $215,000 per year in 1930s dollars) and a staunch anti-communist, he consistently sided with the United Fruit Company, Guatemalan landowners and urban elites in disputes with peasants. After the crash of the New York Stock Exchange in 1929, the peasant system established by Barrios in 1875 to jump start coffee production in the country was not good enough anymore, and Ubico was forced to implement a system of debt slavery and forced labor to make sure that there was enough labor available for the coffee plantations and that the UFCO workers were readily available.
xxx/ellauri366.html on line 408: Shooting peasants planting rice,
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