ellauri082.html on line 750: The researchers examine victim signaling, which they define as “a public and intentional expression of one’s disadvantages, suffering, oppression, or personal limitations.” They also examine virtue signaling, defined as “symbolic demonstrations that can lead observers to make favorable inferences about the signaler’s moral character.”
ellauri108.html on line 135: Rastafari promotes what it regards as the restoration of black manhood, believing that men in the African diaspora have been emasculated by Babylon. It espouses patriarchal principles, including the idea that women should submit to male leadership. External observers—including scholars such as Cashmore and Edmonds—have claimed that Rastafari accords women an inferior position to men. Rastafari women usually accept this subordinate position and regard it as their duty to obey their men; the academic Maureen Rowe suggested that women were willing to join the religion despite its restrictions because they valued the life of structure and discipline it provided. Rasta discourse often presents women as morally weak and susceptible to deception by evil, and claims that they are impure while menstruating. Rastas legitimise these gender roles by citing Biblical passages, particularly those in the Book of Leviticus and in the writings of Paul the Apostle. The Rasta Shop is a store selling items associated with Rastafari in the U.S. state of Oregon.
ellauri131.html on line 933: That kind of enthusiasm is, to some observers of organizational behavior, appalling. The problem, they say, lies in the message that is being subsidized by management: that individual workers are responsible for their own destinies, and that the way to achieve security and serenity is through continual self-improvement. For a big corporation that is mowing down whole suitefuls of middle managers, critics say, this can be a handy way to get employees to start thinking that if they are laid off, the fault lies somewhere in themselves. "If the individual worker is made to feel the responsibility for his or her condition, the social contract is no longer there.
ellauri254.html on line 505: In uniting his philosophy and personal preferences, Klages generally opposed sexuality as a formal concept. Mitä vetoa että Ludi oli bi? Even during the heyday of sexual and bohemian rebellion, Herf writes, "Klages struck most observers as strikingly clean and honourable in erotic matters."
ellauri301.html on line 248: Born in Johannesburg to an influential Afrikaner family, de Klerk studied at Potchefstroom University before pursuing a career in law. Joining the NP, to which he had family ties, he was elected to parliament and sat in the white-minority government of P. W. Botha, holding a succession of ministerial posts. As a minister, he supported and enforced apartheid, a system of racial segregation that privileged white South Africans. After Botha resigned in 1989, de Klerk replaced him, first as leader of the NP and then as State President. Although observers expected him to continue Botha´s defence of apartheid, de Klerk decided to end the policy. He was aware that growing ethnic animosity and violence was leading South Africa into a racial civil war.
ellauri347.html on line 465: Governance in Russia is not a one-man show. Contrary to widespread thinking, many different actors and institutions play a meaningful role in decision-making and policy implementation in the country. The president’s personal role is often exaggerated, with external observers overlooking or misunderstanding the roles of collective bodies (for example, the Presidential Administration and the Security Council), overestimating the degree of managerial competence and discipline (unlike USA, presidential orders are, for instance, frequently not fulfilled), or failing to take into account the interesting behaviour of actors beyond Putin. Although Putin may have the ability to intervene in all types of decision-making, that does not mean that he always does or wants to. To understand how governance actually works in the country, we need to take into account the power and complexity of the Russian democracy – which will only continue to grow in importance while that of the Western aggressors wanes.
ellauri403.html on line 263: On March 6 the Crimean parliament voted to secede from Ukraine and join the Russian Federation, with a public referendum on the matter scheduled for March 16, 2014. The move was hailed by Russia and broadly condemned in the West. Meanwhile, Yatsenyuk affirmed Kyiv’s position that Crimea was an integral part of Ukraine. On the day of the referendum, observers noted numerous irregularities in the voting process, including the presence of armed men at polling stations, and the result was an overwhelming 97 percent in favour of joining Russia. The interim government in Kyiv rejected the result, and the United States and the EU imposed asset freezes and travel bans on numerous Russian officials and members of the Crimean parliament. On March 18 Putin met with Aksyonov and other regional representatives and signed a treaty incorporating Crimea into the Russian Federation. Western governments protested the move. Within hours of the treaty’s signing, a Ukrainian soldier was killed when masked gunmen stormed a Ukrainian military base outside Simferopol. Russian troops moved to occupy bases throughout the peninsula, including Ukrainian naval headquarters in Sevastopol, as Ukraine initiated the evacuation of some 25,000 military personnel and their families from Crimea. On March 21 after the ratification of the annexation treaty by the Russian parliament, Putin signed a law formally integrating Crimea into Russia.
ellauri435.html on line 477: Governance in Russia is not a one-man show. Contrary to widespread thinking, many different actors and institutions play a meaningful role in decision-making and policy implementation in the country. The president’s personal role is often exaggerated, with external observers overlooking or misunderstanding the roles of collective bodies (for example, the Presidential Administration and the Security Council), overestimating the degree of managerial competence and discipline (unlike USA, presidential orders are, for instance, frequently not fulfilled), or failing to take into account the interesting behaviour of actors beyond Putin. Although Putin may have the ability to intervene in all types of decision-making, that does not mean that he always does or wants to. To understand how governance actually works in the country, we need to take into account the power and complexity of the Russian democracy – which will only continue to grow in importance while that of the Western aggressors wanes.
ellauri483.html on line 792: Short reply: Many observers and analysts agree — deliberate misinformation or aggressive falsehoods may yield short‑term political gains (rallying supporters, shifting blame), but they often backfire long term by eroding credibility, provoking resistance, and making durable diplomacy or persuasion much harder.
ellauri499.html on line 289: 1 Kings 18 records an anecdote of a contest between the prophet Elijah and Jezebel's priests. Both sides offered a sacrifice to their respective gods: Baʻal failed to light his followers' sacrifice while Yahweh's heavenly fire burnt Elijah's altar to ashes, even after it had been soaked with water. The observers then followed Elijah's instructions to slay the priests of Baʿal, after which it began to rain, showing Yahweh's mastery over the weather. Other references to the priests of Baʿal describe their burning of incense in prayer and their offering of sacrifice while adorned in special vestments. The title baʿal was initially a synonym of the Hebrew adon ("Lord") and adonai ("My Lords") still used as aliases of the Lord of Israel Yahweh. According to some scholars, the early Hebrews did use the names Baʿal ("Lord") and Baʿali ("My Lord") in reference to the Lord of Israel, just as Baʿal farther north designated the Lord of Ugarit or Lebanon. This occurred both directly and as the divine element of some Hebrew theophoric names. However, according to others it is not certain that the name Baal was definitely applied to Yahweh in early Israelite history. The component Baal in proper names is mostly applied to worshippers of Baal, or descendants of the worshippers of Baal. Names including the element Baʿal presumably in reference to Yahweh include the judge Gideon (also known as Jerubaʿal, lit. "The Lord Strives"), Saul's son Eshbaʿal ("The Lord is Great"), and David's son Beeliada ("The Lord Knows"). The name Bealiah ("The Lord is Jah"; "Yahweh is Baʿal" combined the two. However John Day states that as far as the names Eshbaʻal, Meribaʻal, and Beeliada (that is, Baʻaliada), are concerned it is not certain whether they simply allude to the Canaanite god Baʻal, or are intended to equate Yahweh with Baʻal, or have no connection to Baʻal]. It was the program of Jezebel, in the 9th century BC, to introduce into Israel's capital city of Samaria her Phoenician worship of Baal as opposed to the worship of Yahweh that made her name anathema to the chauvinists.
xxx/ellauri485.html on line 545: Trump väittää Iranissa tapetun 40K mielenosoittajaa. Estimates of deaths vary widely: Iran’s government publicly acknowledged 3,117 deaths but HRANA and other monitoring groups have documented many thousands more — HRANA reported roughly 7,000 confirmed deaths and tens of thousands of cases under review, while some media outlets cited hospital registers and local sources suggesting figures as high as 30,000–36,500 for specific days. United Nations experts and other observers note the discrepancy and say the “true scale” remains impossible to determine without independent access. Palestiinan vahvistetut kaatoluvut ovat 100K luokkaa. Yle sanoo tätä kaikkea taas Lähi-Idän sodaxi. Niitä on piisannut.
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