ellauri054.html on line 403: Some scholars have linked the ascent of neoliberal, free market ideology in the late 1970s to mass incarceration.
ellauri054.html on line 407: Professor of Law at Columbia University Bernard Harcourt contends that neoliberalism holds the state as incompetent when it comes to economic regulation but proficient at policing and punishing, and that this paradox has resulted in the expansion of penal confinement.
ellauri054.html on line 409: According to The Routledge Handbook of Poverty in the United States, "neoliberal social and economic policy has more deeply embedded the carceral state within the lives of the poor, transforming what it means to be poor in America."
ellauri299.html on line 544: A 2015 study by the Vera Institute of Justice contends that jails in the U.S. have become "massive warehouses" of the impoverished since the 1980s. Scholars assert that the transformation of the already anemic U.S. welfare state to a post-welfare punitive state, along with neoliberal structural adjustment policies, the globalization of the U.S. economy and the dominance of global financial institutions, have created more extreme forms of "destitute poverty" in the U.S. which must be contained by expanding the criminal justice system and the carceral state into every aspect of the lives of the poor, which, according to Reuben Jonathan Miller and Emily Shayman, has resulted in "transforming what it means to be poor in America."
ellauri429.html on line 1184: For Walter Mignolo, neoliberalism is a form of modern colonialism because it is based on a possessive capitalistic logic. Neoliberalism is used to place Christian theology at the center by using the resources gained through colonization and imperialism to create an inherently unequal market. This means that the global free market has been created to keep subjecting previous territories economically and further liberal values without physically invading these territories.
ellauri429.html on line 1186: Within neoliberalism, every religion besides Christianity is pushed to be secularized using methods prescribed within a Christian theological framework. Islam has been particularly targeted because of the persisting dispute between Christians and Muslims about religious facts, including compound rate of interest. By establishing Christian and liberal values as the norm, Islam is otherized. This is how islamophobia is injected into day-to-day narratives in tandem with the advancement of neoliberalism.
ellauri429.html on line 1188: If we are to accept that we live in a neoliberal world order currently, the case of Rushdie becomes clearer. Salman Rushdie is both a warrior of freedom of speech and a popularly desired outlet that can stand against Islam in a legitimate manner.
ellauri454.html on line 232: Ketkut kuten Nierzeczywistowić, Miazga ja muut tuon ajan tekstit – mainitakseni Konwickin romaanit – maalaavat, kuten Miłosz kirjoitti, kuvan Puolasta ”massana, ei minään muuna kuin uneliaana, passiivisena alueena, jota ”suuri tuuli” pyyhkäisee mukanaan, loputtomana ”ei tätä eikä tuota”, joka on tuomittu olemaan muodoton ja keskeneräinen tai maa, joka sijaitsee ”ei missään”, kuin Kuningas Ubussa. Andrzejewskin romaanin näkökulmasta yhteiskunnallisen sellun vastakohta olisi ilmeisesti sopimukseen johtava keskustelu; keskustelu, joka, voimme lisätä, erityisesti sitouttaisi eliitin. Loppujen lopuksi Miazgan keskeiset tarinankehitykset – kesken jäänyt avioliitto ja nykyaikaiseen Chochoō-tanssiin päättyvä hääjuhla – ovat symbolisella tasolla kohtaaminen, lähentyminen, epäonnistunut vuoropuhelu taiteellisen ja poliittisen eliitin edustajien välillä. Brandys muotoilee jotain yksilölliseen eettiseen koodiin perustuvan toimintasuunnitelman kaltaista, jonka on määrä koostua ”toiminnallisuuden kieltämisestä” ja ”konformismista” irtautumisesta. Tämä toimintasuunnitelma, voimme lisätä, kantaa älymystön elitismin leimaa ja on naamioitu abstraktin ”moraalisen uudestisyntymisen” kategorioihin. Myöhemmin ylhäältä alas asennettava radikaali neoliberalistinen järjestelmä, jonka sanelee… eliitin ja joukkoammattiliiton sateenvarjon alla oli mahdollista vain 1970-luvulta lähtien rakennetun älyllisen eliitin vallan ansiosta. Solidaarisuuden synty 1980-luvun alussa oli järkyttävä ristiriita, joka pysäytti lyhyeksi ajaksi eliittien vallan vakiintumisprosessin ja samalla viimeinen ajankohta, jolloin "kansa" ilmestyi poliittiselle areenalle autonomisena toimijana.
ellauri454.html on line 248: Vapaata markkinataloutta käsitellään luonnollisena talousjärjestelmänä ja kirjoittajien maailmankatsomuksen taustana. Vapaat markkinat tarkoittavat individualismia ja yksikön täysin autonomisen toiminnan kykyä: "meillä ei ole varaa maanalaiseen hyvinvointivaltioon." Ajatus "hyvinvointivaltiosta", sellaisena kuin se on amerikkalaisen neoliberalismin ja "itsekkyyden hyveen" puolestapuhujan Ayn Randin romaaneissa, on "mörkö". Ei ole olemassa sellaista sosiaalista oikeudenmukaisuutta, jonka nimissä maanalaisen työn terveys- ja turvallisuusolosuhteiden parantaminen ei saisi alkaa yrityksestäsi. Liiallinen anteliaisuus voi kääntyä salaliittolaista vastaan, kun liian monta kertaa käytetty yhteyshenkilö jää kiinni. Ei oikeastaan eroa Hobbesin luonnontilasta, eli kaikkien sodasta kaikkia vastaan: "Maanalaisessa maailmassa ymmärrämme, että meillä on vain niin paljon vapautta kuin otamme." Vapaus on arvo itsessään, ja autonomia ilmaistaan uskonnollisin termein: "Vapaus ei ole jotain, johon uskotaan, vaan jotain, mitä harjoitetaan."
xxx/ellauri087.html on line 344: October 9, 1998. San Francisco-The Biotic Baking Brigade (BBB) struck another blow against globalization when one of its operatives threw a pie in the face of neoliberal economist Milton Friedman at a conference he organized on the privatization of public education. The incident occurred tonight at approximately 6:30 PM, immediately before former Secretary of State (under President Reagan) George Schultz was to deliver the keynote address to the conference titled, "School Choice and Corporate America."
xxx/ellauri116.html on line 318: Scholars have described him as supporting neoliberalism, though he identifies himself as a paleoliberal. Se on vitun keskiluokkainen kermaperse mulshero.
xxx/ellauri232.html on line 90: The Social Democratic Party defined Swedish politics during the last century, holding power for more than forty consecutive years, and governing for almost seventy years in total. During the 1980s, the party turned rightwards, adopting the politics of the ‘Third Way’, caught in the first wave of neoliberalism. It lost the power base of industrial workers as industries moved abroad. The following decades saw rapid increases in class divisions, growing faster in Sweden than in any other country within the OECD.
xxx/ellauri232.html on line 94: Meanwhile, optimistic neoliberal positions wonder how could this happen, if the world is richer than ever, and more and more people have been dragged from poverty. That statistics is no longer even true, and largely overlooks that the poorest classes in developed countries have seen none of this improvement, and that redistribution mechanisms in these countries have been severely diminished by decades of neoliberal policies. The picture below displays the real income growth of the world population, and where it has (roughly) ended up.
xxx/ellauri232.html on line 99: If social claims appeal to the people's struggle with poverty and inequality, nationalism offers an encompassing narrative, an identity that blurs the lines of social classes and hides the social fractures that created this very problem. While Fascism promises to protect workers, studies show how Workers' conditions worsened severely during fascist times, something that can also be seen in the strong ultraliberal component most of the 'new far right', and of the dubious democratic credentials of of neoliberalism, devoid of the philosophical background of political liberalism. Nationalism gives the two great enemies behind the woes of people: foreigners, and immigrants. The external enemy, the internal enemy. Both combined ensure that no one is paying attention at inequality or working and living conditions.
xxx/ellauri237.html on line 700: Under the influence of the free market-oriented "Chicago Boys", Pinochet's military government implemented economic liberalization following neoliberalism, including currency stabilization, removed tariff protections for local industry, banned trade unions, and privatized social security and hundreds of state-owned enterprises. Some of the government properties were sold below market price to politically connected buyers, including Pinochet's own son-in-law. The regime used censorship of entertainment as a way to reward supporters of the regime and punish opponents. These policies produced high economic growth, but critics state that economic inequality dramatically increased and attribute the devastating effects of the 1982 monetary crisis on the Chilean economy to these policies.
xxx/ellauri438.html on line 216: Latinalainen amerikkalaisuus Anti-neoliberalismi
16