ellauri053.html on line 717: His arguments provided so much ammunition for conservatives and individualists in Europe and America that they are still in use in the 21st century. The expression 'There is no alternative' (TINA), made famous by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, may be traced to its emphatic use by Spencer.
ellauri065.html on line 574: Tummeli-klubi spämmää taas Hesarin keskustelusivuja. Many Alt-Right websites have done a heroic job in delivering evidence to demonstrate that the November 3 election results were based on fraud. Nonetheless, conservatives should also work to hypothesize what the Democrats plotted, how they executed their plots, and why their scheme failed to cover its tracks. In a recent roundtable with other conservatives following the story, including a Maricopa County election attorney (Rachel Alexander), we put together the most plausible scenarios.
ellauri100.html on line 342: I should be noted, also, that my apparent lack of bias, relative to the norms for “liberals” and conservatives, may be due to quick reflexes. Nevertheless, as I say in that post,
ellauri100.html on line 423: The idea behind the scale is that human morality is the result of biological and cultural evolutionary processes that made human beings very sensitive to many different (and often competing) issues. Some of these issues are about treating other individuals well (the first two foundations – harm and fairness). Other issues are about how to be a good member of a group or supporter of social order and tradition (the last three foundations). Haidt and Graham have found that political liberals generally place a higher value on the first two foundations; they are very concerned about issues of harm and fairness (including issues of inequality and exploitation). Political conservatives care about harm and fairness too, but they generally score slightly lower on those scale items. The big difference between liberals and conservatives seems to be that conservatives score slightly higher on the ingroup/loyalty foundation, and much higher on the authority/respect and purity/sanctity foundations.
ellauri100.html on line 425: This difference seems to explain many of the most contentious issues in the culture war. For example, liberals support legalizing gay marriage (to be fair and compassionate), whereas many conservatives are reluctant to change the nature of marriage and the family, basic building blocks of society. Conservatives are more likely to favor practices that increase order and respect (e.g., spanking, mandatory pledge of allegiance), whereas liberals often oppose these practices as being violent or coercive.
ellauri100.html on line 427: In the graph below, your scores on each foundation are shown in green (the 1st bar in each set of 3 bars). The scores of all liberals who have taken it on our site are shown in blue (the 2nd bar), and the scores of all conservatives are shown in red (3rd bar). Scores run from 0 (the lowest possible score, you completely reject that foundation) to 5 (the highest possible score, you very strongly endorse that foundation and build much of your morality on top of it).
ellauri100.html on line 465: We are interested in examining how liberals and conservatives score on this scale. Although previous research has investigated how these groups can be biased when evaluating political information, little is known about the relationship between political attitudes and social desirability concern.
ellauri100.html on line 471: Liberals and conservatives seem to disagree in their basic understandings of the causes of human action, particularly of immoral action. Liberals are more likely to believe that social forces, poverty, childhood trauma, or mental illness can serve as valid excuses. Conservatives are more likely to reject such excuses and want to hold people accountable for their actions, including a preference for harsher punishments. At least, that is the way things play out in many disputes in the legal world. We want to see if we can look at this stereotypical difference in more detail. We want to find out WHICH kinds of free will and determinism show a correlation with politics, and with other psychological variables.
ellauri100.html on line 497: In addition, we asked you some questions on the second page about your mental health. That recent Gallup poll showed that conservatives and religious people report having better mental health when asked using a single question (“how would you rate your mental health?”). We want to see if their finding holds up using a more specific scale, so we asked you to report on a variety of symptoms related to depression and anxiety, which are the most common kinds of mental health symptoms that people report. In the graph below, your score is shown in green. High scores mean MORE mental health complaints. Scores run from 1 (the lowest possible score, no symptoms at all) to 5 (the highest possible score, people who responded “extremely” to all items). As before, the blue bar shows the score of the less religious people; the red bar shows the average score of the most religious people.
ellauri100.html on line 513: The scale is a measure of your attitudes toward crime and punishment. Some of the items reflected a “progressive” and less punitive attitude toward criminals (for example agreeing with the statement that “punishment should be designed to rehabilitate offenders,” and being opposed to the death penalty). Other items reflected a more “traditional” attitude, including a willingness to use traditional forms of punishment, such as shaming or flogging. We grouped these two kinds of items together to give you a “progressive” and a “traditional” score in the first graph below. We call this the “comprehensive” justice scale because research on justice and punishment has usually taken either a liberal or conservative approach. We are trying to examine the broadest possible range of ideas and intuitions about what you think should happen to the offender, and the victim. Disagreements about crime and punishment have long been at the heart of the “culture war.” By linking your responses here to the information you gave us when you registered, or when you took other surveys, we hope to shed light on what kinds of people (not just liberals and conservatives) endorse what kinds of responses to crime, and why.
ellauri100.html on line 517: The second graph shows your results from the items on page 2, where we asked about “alternatives to prison.” This page should produce similar results to what you see from Page 1. We expect liberals to favor the more lenient and rehabilitative alternatives, and conservatives to favor the more punitive options. We are trying out various ways of asking these questions to see which format, or combination of formats, produces the best measurement of people’s attitudes.
ellauri100.html on line 549: The graphs below show your scores (in green) compared to those of the average liberal (in blue), the average conservative (in red), and the average libertarian (in orange) visitor to this website. The first graph shows your score on the political knowledge scale in comparison to other liberals and conservatives and scores run from 0% (the lowest possible score) to 100% (the highest possible score*).
ellauri111.html on line 37: Westerners love psychobabble. American conservatives consider Devils a definitive refutation of socialism. His writing is phantastic but his messages are delusional. The entire Russian literature is depressing. Dostoevsky is theatrical. Apparently, Fyodor improves a lot in translation.
ellauri214.html on line 80: The Casual Vacancy hit bookstores last week and drew mixed reviews. The Harry Potter author’s first adult book since the wizard franchise has caused some debate as it deals with such issues as child abuse, prostitution and drugs. Some British conservatives have described it as a liberal attack on their values.
ellauri214.html on line 81: With talk of sex and drugs, the British author's first adult novel marks a turn away from her family-friendly series about a boy wizard. Some reviewers call her first book after the "Harry Potter" series an attack on conservatives, with one tabloid saying it presents "500 pages of relentless socialist manifesto masquerading as literature."
ellauri220.html on line 336: (US & UK) originally used by Europeans/white people as a pejorative term for a black person. Possibly from Portuguese barracos, a building constructed to hold slaves for sale (1837). The term (though still also used in its original sense) is commonly used today by African or Black Americans towards members of the same race who are perceived to pander/kowtow to white people; to be a 'sellout'; to hate themselves; or to "collud[e] with racism for personal gain." It is often used against black conservatives or Republicans (similar to Uncle Tom and coconut).
ellauri360.html on line 476: The story of the emergence and mission of the pentecostal and charismatic movements that follow is arguably the most important story of the twentieth century for understanding Christianity today. Measuring the expansion and growth of the Pentecostal denominations is only a fraction of the story because charismatic and Pentecostal influences are the primary contributors to nondenominationalism. Even more impressively, charismatic theology and practice now characterize many believers in the mainline denominations and Catholic life. American students of the movement observe three recent movements of the Spirit. The first wave refers to the outpouring of the Spirit at Azusa and the emergence of the major Pentecostal denominations that followed. American students of the movement observe three recent movements of the Spirit. The first wave refers to the outpouring of the Spirit at Azusa and the emergence of the major Pentecostal denominations that followed. The second wave denotes a sweeping encounter and embrace of charismatic life. spilling over into mainline Protestant denominations and Catholicism in the 1960s and early 1970s. The third wave saw the embrace of signs and wonders by conservatives; it began in the 1980s at Fuller Seminary in California around the teaching and ministry of John Wimber. The Vineyard network of churches is a lasting sign of this movement that saw many evangelicals swept into charismatic experience.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 576: The “establishment” response was swift and violent. The demonstrators came looking for trouble and got what they wanted. The 1968 Democratic convention was a high point for conservatives who protested that the mainstream media was the enemy of the people.
xxx/ellauri199.html on line 1076: The estate’s decision — which prompted breathless headlines on cable news and complaints about “cancel culture” from prominent conservatives — represents a dramatic step to update and curate Seuss’s body of work, acknowledging and rejecting some of his views while seeking to protect his brand and appeal. It also raises questions about whether and how an author’s works should be posthumously curated to reflect evolving social attitudes, and what should be preserved as part of the cultural record.
xxx/ellauri224.html on line 122: The film debuted at the 2004 Cannes Film Festival, where it was awarded the Palme d'Or, the fucking Frenchies' highest award. Some conservatives in the United States, such as Jon Alvarez of FireHollywood, commented that such an award could be expected from the French.
xxx/ellauri380.html on line 473: Actually, Arabs, Brezhnevian soviets and modern Western conservatives have a great deal in common. They're all obsessed with a distant yet glorious past which they feel entitles them to respect merely for who they are, regardless of how little they've achieved recently. They have the same religious intolerance, the same contempt for the life of the mind. They all have the same vicious response when thwarted, and the same sense that they're losing the greater battle and are, willingly or not, on their way out the door.
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