ellauri131.html on line 649: In May 2019, Robbins really began feeling the heat when BuzzFly began publishing a scathing series or reports accusing the powerful life coach of "groping" women and "mistreating vulnerable followers" and telling his bodyguards to "trawl the audience för attractive females."
ellauri156.html on line 471: Uriah has to understand what the king is suggesting. Who wouldn't want to go home and enjoy his wife after some time of separation, thanks to the war with the Ammonites? Instead, we are told that Uriah never leaves the king's house. He sleeps in the doorway of the king's house, in the presence of a number of the king's servants. I am inclined to understand that at least some of these servants, if not all of them, are the king's bodyguards (compare 1 Kings 14:27-28). Uriah is a soldier. He has been called to his king's presence, away from the battle. But as a faithful servant of the king, he will not enjoy a night alone with his wife; instead, he will join with those who guard the king's life. This is the way he can serve his king in Jerusalem, and so this is what he chooses to do rather than to go home. The irony is overwhelming. The king's faithful soldier spends the night guarding the 50% new life of the king in his wife's womb, the king who has taken his own wife in the night, and who will soon take his life as well. Dramatic irony.
ellauri192.html on line 303: The novel’s release shortly predated an escalation in Polish nationalism tied to the Law and Justice party’s ascent to power in 2015. But the forces that fueled that escalation were already prevalent. When Tokarczuk accepted the Nike Prize, the country’s highest literary honor, for “The Books of Jacob,” she said in a speech that the country had “committed horrendous acts as colonizers, as a national majority that suppressed the minority, as slaveowners, and as the murderers of Jews.” She was quickly inundated by threats so alarming that her publishers briefly hired bodyguards. In the five years since, she has witnessed the Law and Justice party take an increasingly hard line on censoring certain conversations about Poland’s relationship with Jews. In 2016, the government began a campaign against the Princeton historian Jan Gross, known for his groundbreaking work on the massacre at Jedwabne, in which Poles murdered 1,600 of their Jewish neighbors. In 2018, the Law and Justice party’s government made it illegal to blame Poland or Polish nationals for Nazi crimes. POLIN, a groundbreaking Polish museum of Jewish history, has been leader-less for five months, as its director, who oversaw a number of exhibits highly critical of Poland’s policy toward Jews, awaits official reappointment — despite having been re-approved for the job.
3