Introduction
1
ellauri074.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri077.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri078.html on line 41:
Introduction
ellauri079.html on line 52:
Introduction
ellauri079.html on line 267:
1. Introduction: Particularism And Pluralism. E pluribus unum. James D. Wallace - 2018 - In Ethical Norms, Particular Cases. Cornell University Press. pp. 1-8.
ellauri082.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri083.html on line 47:
Introduction
ellauri088.html on line 37:
Introduction
ellauri089.html on line 40:
Introduction
ellauri090.html on line 52:
Introduction
ellauri092.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri093.html on line 92:
Introduction
ellauri094.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri095.html on line 31:
Introduction
ellauri096.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri097.html on line 42:
Introduction
ellauri098.html on line 50:
Introduction
ellauri099.html on line 37:
Introduction
ellauri100.html on line 57:
Introduction
ellauri100.html on line 1377: Barthesilla on sit tämmöinen
Introduction à l´analyse structurale des récits joka on varmaan enempi relevantti näille paasauxille. Sillä on 3 tasoa, "funktiot" "aktiot", ja "kertomuxet". Fuktiot on vaikka yxityisiä sankareita kuvailevia sanoja. Nää sankarit olis sitten "aktioita" (höh?) No jo on hölmöä. Mä luulen pikemminkin että tässä kohtaa Wikipedian kirjoittajana on ollut joku harvinaisen hömelö. Pitänee hakea parempia lähteitä.
ellauri101.html on line 73:
Introduction
ellauri102.html on line 40:
Introduction
ellauri105.html on line 60:
Introduction
ellauri106.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri107.html on line 47:
Introduction
ellauri108.html on line 41:
Introduction
ellauri109.html on line 214:
Introduction
ellauri110.html on line 35:
Introduction
ellauri111.html on line 46:
Introduction
ellauri112.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri115.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri117.html on line 44:
Introduction
ellauri118.html on line 47:
Introduction
ellauri119.html on line 42:
Introduction
ellauri131.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri132.html on line 40:
Introduction
ellauri133.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri135.html on line 44:
Introduction
ellauri140.html on line 44:
Introduction
ellauri141.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri141.html on line 111: At his house, probably, Horace became intimate with Polio, and the many persons of consideration whose friendship he appears to have enjoyed. Through Mæcenas, also, it is probable Horace was introduced to Augustus; but when that happened is uncertain. In B. C. 37, Mæcenas was deputed by Augustus to meet M. Antonius at Brundisium, and he took Horace with him on that journey, of which a detailed account is given in the fifth Satire of the first book. Horace appears to have parted from the rest of the company at Brundisium, and perhaps returned to Rome by Tarentum and Venusia. (See S. i. 5,
Introduction.) Between this journey and B. C. 32, Horace received from his friend the present of a small estate in the valley of the Digentia (Licenza), situated about thirty-four miles from Rome, and fourteen from Tibur, in the Sabine country. Of this property he gives a description in his Epistle to Quintius (i. 16), and he appears to have lived there a part of every year, and to have been fond of the place, which was very quiet and retired, being four miles from the nearest town, Varia (Vico Varo), a municipium perhaps, but not a place of any importance. During this interval he continued to write Satires and Epodes, but also, it appears probable, some of the Odes, which some years later he published, and others which he did not publish. These compositions, no doubt, were seen by his friends, and were pretty well known before any of them were collected for publication. The first book of the Satires was published probably in B. C. 35, the Epodes in B. C. 30, and the second book of Satires in the following year, when Horace was about thirty-five years old. When Augustus returned from Asia, in B. C. 29, and closed the gates of Janus, being the acknowledged head of the republic, Horace appeared among his most hearty adherents. He wrote on this occasion one of his best Odes (i. 2), and employed his pen in forwarding those reforms which it was the first object of Augustus to effect. (See
Introduction to C. ii. 15.) His most striking Odes appear, for the most part, to have been written after the establishment of peace. Some may have been written before, and probably were. But for some reason it would seem that he gave himself more to lyric poetry after his thirty-fifth year than he had done before. He had most likely studied the Greek poets while he was at Athens, and some of his imitations may have been written early. If so, they were most probably improved and polished, from time to time, (for he must have had them by him, known perhaps only to a few friends, for many years,) till they became the graceful specimens of artificial composition that they are. Horace continued to employ himself in this kind of writing (on a variety of subjects, convivial, amatory, political, moral,—some original, many no doubt suggested by Greek poems) till B. C. 24, when there are reasons for thinking the first three books of the Odes were published. During this period, Horace appears to have passed his time at Rome, among the most distinguished men of the day, or at his house in the country, paying occasional visits to Tibur, Præneste, and Baiæ, with indifferent health, which required change of air. About the year B. C. 26 he was nearly killed by the falling of a tree, on his own estate, which accident he has recorded in one of his Odes (ii. 13), and occasionally refers to; once in the same stanza with a storm in which he was nearly lost off Cape Palinurus, on the western coast of Italy. When this happened, nobody knows. After the publication of the three books of Odes, Horace seems to have ceased from that style of writing, or nearly so; and the only other compositions we know of his having produced in the next few years are metrical Epistles to different friends, of which he published a volume probably in B. C. 20 or 19. He seems to have taken up the study of the Greek philosophical writers, and to have become a good deal interested in them, and also to have been a little tired of the world, and disgusted with the jealousies his reputation created. His health did not improve as he grew older, and he put himself under the care of Antonius Musa, the emperor’s new physician. By his advice he gave up, for a time at least, his favorite Baiæ. But he found it necessary to be a good deal away from Rome, especially in the autumn and winter.
ellauri142.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri143.html on line 54:
Introduction
ellauri144.html on line 41:
Introduction
ellauri145.html on line 55:
Introduction
ellauri146.html on line 44:
Introduction
ellauri147.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri150.html on line 41:
Introduction
ellauri151.html on line 45:
Introduction
ellauri152.html on line 52:
Introduction
ellauri153.html on line 67:
Introduction
ellauri153.html on line 866: Ne sen riittävän syyn periaatteen 4 juurikasta oli becoming, being, knowing, willing. In his Translator's
Introduction to Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Representation, E. F. J. Payne concisely summarized the Fourfold Root:
ellauri155.html on line 41:
Introduction
ellauri156.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri158.html on line 38:
Introduction
ellauri159.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri160.html on line 82:
Introduction
ellauri161.html on line 61:
Introduction
ellauri162.html on line 37:
Introduction
ellauri163.html on line 40:
Introduction
ellauri164.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri164.html on line 742:
Introduction: 1. Moses was a great example of a faithful servant of God, and is
ellauri171.html on line 40:
Introduction
ellauri172.html on line 49:
Introduction
ellauri180.html on line 61:
Introduction
ellauri181.html on line 50:
Introduction
ellauri182.html on line 46:
Introduction
ellauri183.html on line 45:
Introduction
ellauri184.html on line 38:
Introduction
ellauri185.html on line 47:
Introduction
ellauri188.html on line 51:
Introduction
ellauri189.html on line 64:
Introduction
ellauri190.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri191.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri192.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri194.html on line 49:
Introduction
ellauri196.html on line 96:
Introduction
ellauri197.html on line 42:
Introduction
ellauri198.html on line 62:
Introduction
ellauri203.html on line 50:
Introduction
ellauri204.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri205.html on line 48:
Introduction
ellauri206.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri207.html on line 41:
Introduction
ellauri210.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri211.html on line 42:
Introduction
ellauri213.html on line 100:
Introduction
ellauri214.html on line 53:
Introduction
ellauri216.html on line 43:
Introduction
ellauri217.html on line 42:
Introduction
ellauri219.html on line 53:
Introduction
ellauri220.html on line 39:
Introduction
ellauri221.html on line 49:
Introduction
ellauri222.html on line 51:
Introduction
ellauri223.html on line 44:
Introduction
ellauri226.html on line 45:
Introduction
ellauri236.html on line 45:
Introduction
ellauri238.html on line 74:
Introduction
ellauri240.html on line 45:
Introduction
ellauri241.html on line 58:
Introduction
ellauri242.html on line 64:
Introduction
ellauri243.html on line 50:
Introduction
ellauri244.html on line 52:
Introduction
ellauri246.html on line 42:
Introduction
ellauri247.html on line 53:
Introduction
ellauri248.html on line 63:
Introduction
ellauri249.html on line 56:
Introduction
ellauri254.html on line 56:
Introduction
ellauri256.html on line 54:
Introduction
ellauri297.html on line 54:
Introduction
ellauri301.html on line 69:
Introduction
ellauri372.html on line 311: Raymond F. Surburg kirjoittaa: "Psalmit ovat tiiviisti mallinnetut kanonisen psalterin esittämän kaavan mukaan. Ensimmäinen psalmi ilmoittaa sodan julistuksesta, mutta se koskee pääasiassa tekopyhien tuomitsemista. Toinen kuvaa Jerusalemin piiritystä ja myöntää, että kohtaamat vaikeudet ja rangaistukset olivat ansaittuja, mutta päättyy kuvaukseen valloittajan kuolemasta Egyptin hiekoilla. Kolmas psalmi on jumalaapelkäävien kiitoksen runo. Neljännessä näemme tekopyhien tuomitsemisen kielellä joka voimakkaasti muistuttaa sitä, jota Kristus käytti vihollisiaan vastaan. Psalmi 5 on armorukous Jumalalle. Kuudennessa psalmissa kuvataan ensisijaisesti vanhurskauden siunausta. Seitsemännessä on Israelin rukous ahdistuksen aikana, pyytää Jumalaa olemaan poistamatta kikkeliään heidän keskuudestaan. Kahdeksas psalmi kuvaa Jerusalemin piiritystä ja tuomitsee sen synnit. Yhdeksännessä Israel vankeina anoo Jehovalta anteeksiantoa. Kymmenes psalmi osoittaa, kuinka miestä, joka ottaa kiltisti vastaan Herran kurituksen, siunataan. Seuraava psalmi puhuu vankien paluusta. 12. psalmi ei ole juuri erilainen kuin henkeytetyn psalterin psalmin 120 säkeistö. 13.:n teemana on vanhurskaiden siunaus. Seuraavalla on samanlainen fiilis. 15. alkaa toteamuksella: "Kun olin hädässä, huusin avuksi Herraa." 16. on kokeellinen vanhojen puritaanien mielessä. Ensimmäiset 16 psalmia eivät viittaa Messiaaseen, vaan puhuvat messiaanisesta valtakunnasta. Psalmi 17 sisältää kuitenkin sen, minkä uskotaan olevan yksi tärkeimmistä messiaanisista kohdista juutalaisuuden jälkeisessä Raamatun kirjallisuudessa. Psalmin 18 tärkein mielenkiinto on sen kristologia. Messias esitetään Daavidin suvun siemenenä, joka tulisi kukistamaan roomalaiset Hasmonealaisten kukistumisen jälkeen. Messiaan sääntö on olla viisas, pyhä, oikeudenmukainen ja hengellinen." (
Introduction to the Intertestamental Period , s. 144-145)
ellauri372.html on line 319: James C. VanderKam kirjoittaa: " Salomon psalmien päivämäärää ei voida määrittää tarkasti. Tärkeimmät vihjeet ovat peräisin psalmeista 2, 8 ja 17, jotka tarjoavat jotain historiallisesta ympäristöstä, jota vastaan ainakin nämä kolme runoa kirjoitettiin. Puhutaan originelleista johtajista, jotka eivät olleet laillisia hallitsijoita ja joiden aikaa leimasi massiivinen korruptio ja paha. Heitä syytetään temppelin ja kultin rikkomisesta. Nämä näyttävät olevan Hasmonealaisia eli simoniittoja. Jumala nosti heitä vastaan vieraan valloittajan, joka toivotettiin tervetulleeksi joidenkin toimesta Jerusalem, mutta joka silti joutui valloittamaan kaupungin väkisin. Hän meni temppeliin, mutta tapasi myöhemmin kuolemansa Egyptissä, missä hänen ruumiinsa jätettiin hautaamatta rannalle (ks. 2:26-27). Kuvaus sopii Pompeuksen toimintaan noin klo 1/2 Jerusalemissa ja tapaan, jolla hän sai loppunsa vuonna 48 eaa. Psalmi 2 (jossa 8 ja 17) olisi silloin kirjoitettu tämän tapahtuman jälkeen; ehkä muutkin runot olivat niin, mutta se ei ole varmaa. Koska siitä ei puhuta mitään temppelin tuhoutumisesta, on todennäköistä, että Salomon psalmit kirjoitettiin ennen vuotta 70 jKr. On väitetty, että Barukin kirjoittaja lainasi nykyisestä teoksesta, koska Psalmit Salomon 11:2-5 ja Baruk 5:5-8 ovat läheisesti rinnakkaisia, mutta Salomon psalmien versio on yhtenäisempi ja tiiviimpi. Lisäksi jotkut tutkijat ajattelevat, että Baruk 5:5-8 on lisäys tähän kirjaan. Lainaamisen suunta on kuitenkin tuskin ilmeinen, ja on yhtä todennäköistä, että molemmat perustuvat yhteiseen runoperinteeseen." ( An
Introduction to Early Judaism , s. 129)
xxx/ellauri044.html on line 449: letter to Mr. Maier (Refer to
Introduction) reiterates this viewpoint in a pithier way. (Lähde: maler.pdf)
xxx/ellauri081.html on line 47:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri084.html on line 72:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri084.html on line 627: Dowtyn, Wallin ja Petersin
Introduction to Montague Semantics, jolla Wallu doppailee, oli jo ilmestyessään kuolleena syntynyt alkeisoppikirja Richard Montaguen, 1971 jossain hämärissä kotibailuissa nirhatun homopetterin hankalammista alkuperäisistä artikkeleista 60/70 lukujen vaihteesta, joita me Eskin kanssa opiskeltiin Jaakon apulaisten huoneessa lukutikku kädessä. Dowty et al. ilmestyi 1981, jolloin John oli justiinsa syntynyt ja mä valmistunut ja masentuneen Stan Petersin sitä paljon pätevämpi rouva pyysi mua Amherstiin sijaisexi, mutta me ei menty. Montague-semantiikka kuoli sitten omaan mahdottomuuteensa, tai paremminkin koska siitä ei saanut helppoja tietokonesovelluxia. Just tohon aikaan mikrot tuli joka humanistin pöydälle ja kaikki halus tehdä jotain jota niillä saattoi tehdä, ja Montaguen joukko-opillinen semantiikka ei siltä näyttänyt. Se oli pelkkää määrittelyä, siitä puuttui komputoitavuus. Onnexi ei menty.
xxx/ellauri085.html on line 112:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri086.html on line 51:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri087.html on line 44:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri091.html on line 36:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri103.html on line 42:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri104.html on line 41:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri113.html on line 42:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri114.html on line 43:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri116.html on line 42:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri120.html on line 38:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri121.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri122.html on line 42:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri123.html on line 75:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri124.html on line 83:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri128.html on line 38:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri128.html on line 211:
Luc Clapiers de Vauvenargues, Vauvenarguesin markiisi (1715–1747) oli ranskalainen moralisti. Hän oli nuoruudessaan upseerina, mutta joutui eroamaan sotilaanuralta Böömin sotaretkellä 1742 terveydellisistä syistä. Hän eli sen jälkeen sairaana ja varattomana enää muutamia vuosia. Hän julkaisi 1746 teoksen, joka mainitaan toisinaan nimellä Maximes tai sen ensimmäisen kirjoituksen mukaan nimellä
Introduction à la connaissance de l’esprit humain. Teos sisältää kauniita ja vakavahenkisiä moraalisia mietteitä, joista kuvastuu pohjaltaan optimistinen maailmankatsomus, joten ne ovat jyrkässä vastakohdassa esimerkiksi François de La Rochefoucauldin kuuluisille maksiimeille.
xxx/ellauri128.html on line 215: Joku Joseph Müller kirjoittaa kuulemma Nordisk familjebokissa, jonka Jönsy sai Tutun kirjastosta, kun en ize viizinyt: "Mutta se ansio hänellä on, että hän aikana, jolloin pilkka ja iva, itsekkyys ja epäusko olivat vallalla kaikkialla, rohkeni muistuttaa ihmisiä heidän moraalisista velvollisuuksistaan ja vaatia heitä kunnioittamaan kaikkia uskonnollisia vakaumuksia." Kuulostaa posetiivarilta. Ainoa häneltä painettuna ilmestynyt teos (1746) sisältää laajahkon kirjoitelman
Introduction à la connaissance de l'esprit humain sekä pienempiä, kuten Réflexions sur divers sujets, Conseils à un jeune homme, Méditation sur la foi ja Paradoxes mêlés de réflexions et de maximes.
xxx/ellauri129.html on line 32:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri130.html on line 49:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri134.html on line 90:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri136.html on line 56:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri137.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri138.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri139.html on line 123:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri148.html on line 47:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri149.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri154.html on line 37:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri157.html on line 38:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 68:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri166.html on line 43:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 42:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri168.html on line 41:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri169.html on line 50:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri170.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri173.html on line 38:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri174.html on line 51:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri175.html on line 123:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri176.html on line 45:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri177.html on line 38:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri178.html on line 37:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri179.html on line 45:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri186.html on line 54:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri187.html on line 75:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri187.html on line 294: From the 16th century onwards, a number of Catholic saints prayed to Saint Joseph, invoked his help and protection and encouraged others to do so. In
Introduction to the Devout Life Francis de Sales included Joseph along with the Virgin Mary as saints to be invoked during prayers following an examination of conscience. Teresa of Avila attributed her recovery of health to Joseph and recommended him as an advocate. In her biography The Story of a Soul, Thérèse of Lisieux stated that for a period of time, she prayed every day to "Saint Joseph, Father and Protector of Virgins..." and felt safe from danger as a result. The three mentioned in this paragraph were all Doctors of the Church.
xxx/ellauri193.html on line 43:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri195.html on line 46:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri199.html on line 65:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri200.html on line 66:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri201.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri202.html on line 58:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri208.html on line 41:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri209.html on line 59:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri212.html on line 68:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri215.html on line 41:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri218.html on line 48:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri224.html on line 45:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri225.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri227.html on line 46:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri228.html on line 50:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri229.html on line 40:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri230.html on line 49:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri231.html on line 121:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri232.html on line 54:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri233.html on line 48:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri234.html on line 69:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri235.html on line 52:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri237.html on line 44:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri239.html on line 43:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri250.html on line 55:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri250.html on line 668: Utilitarian hedonism: A Very Short
Introduction (with Katarzyna de Lazari-Radek), Oxford University Press, 2017, 1 page
xxx/ellauri251.html on line 54:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri252.html on line 52:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri253.html on line 46:
Introduction
xxx/ellauri255.html on line 88:
Introduction
192