ellauri141.html on line 109: Quintus Horatius Flaccus (8th of December, Ab Urbe Condita 689, B. C. 65 - 27th of November, B. C. 8) was born at or near Venusia (Venosa), in the Apennines, on the borders of Lucania and Apulia. His father was a freedman, having, as his name proves, been the slave of some person of the Horatia gens. As Horace implies that he himself was ingenuus, his father must have obtained his freedom before his birth. He afterwards followed the calling of a coactor, a collector of money in some way or other, it is not known in what. He made, in this capacity, enough to purchase an estate, probably a small one, near the above town, where the poet was born. We hear nothing of his mother, except that Horace speaks of both his parents with affection. His father, probably seeing signs of talent in him as a child, was not content to have him educated at a provincial school, but took him (at what age he does not say, but probably about twelve) to Rome, where he became a pupil of Orbilius Pupillus, who had a school of much note, attended by boys of good family, and whom Horace remembered all his life as an irritable teacher, given unnecessarily to the use of the rod. With him he learnt grammar, the earlier Latin authors, and Homer. He attended other masters (of rhetoric, poetry, and music perhaps), as Roman boys were wont, and had the advantage (to which he afterwards looked back with gratitude) of his father’s care and moral training during this part of his education. It was usual for young men of birth and ability to be sent to Athens, to finish their education by the study of Greek literature and philosophy under native teachers; and Horace went there too, at what age is not known, but probably when he was about twenty. Whether his father was alive at that time, or dead, is uncertain. If he went to Athens at twenty, it was in B. C. 45, the year before Julius Cæsar was assassinated. After that event, Brutus and Cassius left Rome and went to Greece. Foreseeing the struggle that was before them, they got round them many of the young men at that time studying at Athens, and Horace was appointed tribune in the army of Brutus, a high command, for which he was not qualified. He went with Brutus into Asia Minor, and finally shared his defeat at Philippi, B. C. 42. He makes humorous allusion to this defeat in his Ode to Pompeius Varus (ii. 7). After the battle he came to Italy, having obtained permission to do so, like many others who were willing to give up a desperate cause and settle quietly at home. His patrimony, however, was forfeited, and he seems to have had no means of subsistence, which induced him to employ himself in writing verses, with the view, perhaps, of bringing himself into notice, rather than for the purpose of making money by their sale. By some means he managed to get a place as scriba in the Quæstor’s office, whether by purchase or interest does not appear. In either case, we must suppose he contrived soon to make friends, though he could not do so by the course he pursued, without also making many enemies. His Satires are full of allusions to the enmity his verses had raised up for him on all hands. He became acquainted, among other literary persons, with Virgil and Varius, who, about three years after his return (B. C. 39), introduced him to Mæcenas, who was careful of receiving into his circle a tribune of Brutus, and one whose writings were of a kind that was new and unpopular. He accordingly saw nothing of Horace for nine months after his introduction to him. He then sent for him (B. C. 38), and from that time continued to be his patron and warmest friend.
ellauri141.html on line 388: Heus puer, digitos ex anu. St Jerome modelled an uncompromising response to the pagan Horace, observing: "What harmony can there be between Christ and the Devil? What has Horace to do with the Psalter?" The first English translator Thomas Drant placed translations of Jeremiah and Horace side by side in Medicinable Morall, 1566. The Scot George Buchanan paraphrased the Psalms in a Horatian setting. John Keats echoed the opening of Horace's Epodes 14 in the opening lines of Ode to a Nightingale. Byron's famous lines from Childe Harold (Canto iv, 77) hit it on the nail:
ellauri141.html on line 404: The solfege system (Do, Re, Mi), which is the theme of a song by the Von Trapp children, is just a small sample of Horace's all-pervasive influence on western culture, even among people who might never have heard the name Quintus Horatius Flaccus. Horace was not just a superb literary craftsman, but a musician, songwriter and entertainer for the Roman elite, creating a new Latin idiom derived from Greek lyric song. A final chapter, "Horace, Guido and the Do-re-mi Mystery", the result of careful research and detective work, argues that Guido d'Arezzo, an eleventh-century Benedictine choirmaster, used the melody of Horace's Ode to Phyllis (alla) to invent the do-re-mi mnemonic, but applied it to an eighth-century Hymn to John the Baptist ("Ut queant laxis") by Paul the Deacon, keeping the true source secret. A musical comparison of the Horatian melody and Guido's version of "ut-re-mi" is included. Lyons' verse translation of the Odes was named a Financial Times Book of the Year (1996) and was welcomed as 'a wonderful rendering of one of the great, central poets in the European tradition.'
ellauri321.html on line 454: Lalage on yksi monista Horation runouden naisista, joita pidetään enemmän kreikkalaisena hetairaina, joka on palkattu soiraamaan ja hyvään keskusteluun sekä seksuaalipalveluihin, kuin tavallisena hevosprostituoituna. Naisten kreikkalaiset nimet ja rooli runoilijan miesten katseen idealisoituina kohteina viittaavat siihen, että useimmissa tapauksissa tämä oletus on oikea. Tässä runossa, joka on osoitettu ystävälleen Aristius Fuscukselle, runoilijalle ja kieliopilleen, Horatius (65-8 eaa.) ilmeisesti juhlii voimakasta suojasexiä, jonka hän saa omistautumisestaan ​​Lalagelle, kuten rakkausrunoilija Tibullus (n. 55-19) teemalle. eaa.) kohtelee elegissään rakastettuaan Deliaa ( Elegiae I.2.25-32), jossa hän ylpeilee varmuusvälineestä, jonka Venus myöntää rohkeille ystäville. Horatian runo puhuu pikemminkin hänen taiteelleen omistautumisen suotuisasta vaikutuksesta häneen kuin hänen rakkaudestaan ​​naiseen naisena huolimatta sen viimeisissä riveissä olevista siroista sanallisista viittauksista 6. vuosisadalla eaa. kreikkalaisen lyyrisen runoilijan Sapphon ( 31.3-5 ) rakkausrunoihin ja Catulluxeen (n. 84-64 eaa.) (Carmina 51.5). Tutkijat keskustelevat siitä, missä määrin Horatius on leikkisä vai ironinen tässä; hänen viileä irtautuminen kiintymyksensä kohteesta on johtanut oletukseen, että Lalage ("Puhuilija") ei itse asiassa ole nainen, vaan pikemminkin parraton poikanen.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 342: Emma gave birth to Nelson's daughter Horatia, on 29 January 1801] at 23 Piccadilly, who was taken soon afterwards to a Mrs Gibson for care and hire of a wet nurse. On 1 February, Emma made a spectacular appearance at a concert at the house of the Duke of Norfolk in St James' Square, and Emma worked hard to keep the press onside.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 350: The newspapers reported on their every move, including trips to Wales to inspect Sir William's estates and a holiday to Ramsgate intended to give him some peace and quiet, looking to Emma to set fashions in dress, home decoration and even dinner party menus. By the autumn of 1803, Sir William's health was declining, at the same time that the peace with France was disintegrating. A "Children's Ball" was thrown after New Year, in honour of Horatia, and a concert for 100 guests staged in February.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 354: Nelson had been offered the position of Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean Fleet, and they rushed to have Horatia christened at Marylebone Parish Church before he left. On her baptism record, her name was recorded as Horatia Nelson Thompson, and her date of birth falsely recorded as 29 October 1800 in order to continue the pretence that she had been born in Naples and was godchild of Emma and Nelson, according to Kate Williams and based on an unpublished letter; however the only publicly available transcription of the record shows 29 October 1801. Nelson later wrote a letter explaining that the child was an orphan "left to his care and protection" in Naples.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 358: She was desperately lonely, preoccupied with attempting to turn Merton Place into the grand home Nelson desired, suffering from several ailments and frantic for his return. The child, a girl (reportedly named Emma), died about 6 weeks after her birth in early 1804, and Horatia also fell ill at her home with Mrs Gibson on Titchfield Street. Emma kept the infant's death a secret from the press (her burial is unrecorded), kept her deep grief from Nelson's family and found it increasingly difficult to cope alone. She reportedly distracted herself by gambling, and succumbed to binges of heavy drinking and eating and spending lavishly.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 360: Emma received several marriage proposals during 1804, all wealthy men, but she was still in love with Nelson and believed that he would become wealthy with prize money and leave her rich in his will, and she refused them all. She continued to entertain and help Nelson's relatives, especially William and Sarah's "obstreperous son Horace" and their daughter Charlotte, who was referred to as Emma's "foster daughter" in a letter. Nelson urged her to keep Horatia at Merton, and when his return seemed imminent in 1804, Emma ran up bills on furnishing and decorating Merton. Five-year-old Horatia came to live at Merton in May 1805. There were also reports that she holidayed with Emma Carew.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 362: After a brief visit to England in August 1805, Nelson once again had to return to service. Emma received letters from him on 1, 7 and 13 October. On the ship, he wrote a note intended as a codicil to his will requesting that, in return for his legacy to King and Country that they should give Emma "ample provision to maintain her rank in life", and that his "adopted daughter, Horatia Nelson Thompson...use in future the name of Nelson only".
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 368: Emma lay in bed prostrate with grief for many weeks, often receiving visitors in tears. It was some weeks before she heard that Nelson's last words were of her and that he had begged the nation to take care of her and Horatia. After William and Sarah distanced themselves from her (William being elated upon hearing that Nelson had not changed his will), she relied on Nelson's sisters (Kitty Matcham and Susanna Bolton) for moral support and company. Like her, the Boltons and Matchams had spent lavishly in expectation of Nelson's victorious return, and Emma gave them and other of his friends and relations money.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 370: Nelson's will was read in November; William inherited his entire estate (including Bronte) except for Merton, as well as his bank accounts and possessions. The government had made William an Earl and his son Horatio (aka Horace) a Viscount - the titles Nelson had aspired to - and now he was also Duke of Bronte. Emma received £2000, Merton, and £500 per annum from the Bronte estate - much less than she had when Nelson was alive, and not enough to maintain Merton. In spite of Nelson's status as a national hero, the instructions he left to the government to provide for Emma and Horatia were ignored; they also ignored his wishes that she should sing at his funeral.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 378: She moved from Clarges Street to a cheaper home at 136 Bond Street, but could not bring herself to relinquish Merton. Her brother, William, blackmailed her into giving him money, and Mrs Cadogan's sister's family, the Connors, were also expecting handouts. Emma Carew came for a short summer visit in late June 1806, at which point Sir Harry Fetherstonhaugh sent £500 for the benefit of mother and daughter. Emma hosted and employed James Harrison for 6 months to write a two-volume Life of Nelson, which made it clear that Horatia was his child. She continued to entertain at Merton, including the Prince of Wales and the Dukes of Sussex and Clarence, but no favours were returned by the royals.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 380: Within three years, Emma was more than £15,000 in debt. In June 1808, Merton failed to sell at auction. She was not completely without friends; her neighbours had rallied, and Sir John Perring hosted a group of influential financiers to help organise her finances and sell Merton. It was eventually sold in April 1809. However, her lavish spending continued, and a combination of this and the steady depletion of funds due to people fleecing her meant that she remained in debt, although unbeknownst to most people. Her mother, Mrs Cadogan, died in January 1810. For most of 1811 and 1812 she was in a virtual debtors' prison, and in December 1812 either chose to commit herself (her name does not appear in the record books) or was sentenced to a prison sentence at the King's Bench Prison in Southwark, although she was not kept in a cell but allowed to live in rooms nearby with Horatia, as per the system whereby genteel prisoners could buy the rights to live "within the Rules", a three-square-mile area around the prison.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 384: Emma was anxious to leave the country, but owing to the risk of arrest if she travelled on a normal ferry, she and Horatia hid from her creditors for a week before boarding a private vessel bound for Calais on 1 July 1814, with £50 in her purse. Initially taking apartments at the expensive Dessein's Hotel, she initially kept up a social life and fine dining by relying on creditors. Her old housekeeper, Dame Francis, came to run the household and hired other servants. But soon she was deeply in debt and suffering from longstanding health problems, including stomach pains, nausea and diarrhoea. She turned to the Roman Catholic church and joined the St Pierre congregation.
xxx/ellauri165.html on line 388: Henry Cadogan cared for the 14-year-old Horatia in the aftermath of Emma's death and paid for her travel to Dover. The Matchams took her in to care for their younger children until she was sent off to live with the Boltons two years later, Susanna having died in 1813. Horatia subsequently married the Rev. Philip Ward, had ten children (the first of whom was named Horatio Nelson) and lived until 1881. Horatia never publicly acknowledged that she was the daughter of Emma Hamilton.
16