Guatemala.svg/23px-Flag_of_Guatemala.svg.png" decoding="async" width="23" height="14" class="thumbborder" srcset="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ec/Flag_of_Guatemala.svg/35px-Flag_of_Guatemala.svg.png 1.5x, //upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ec/Flag_of_Guatemala.svg/46px-Flag_of_Guatemala.svg.png 2x" data-file-width="960" data-file-height="600" /> Guatemala" title="Guatemala">Guatemala
ellauri326.html on line 611: Mutta ulottuuhan meri nyt Dresdeniin saakka --- Siellä asuu vielä saksalaisia, virkkoi ukko torjuvasti. Se on heidän asiansa. Mutta tänne meille salamanterit eivät pääse, se on selvä. Silloin niiden täytyisi ensin poistaa kalliot tieltään. Ja siinä olisi niin paljon työtä, ettei nulla ole siitä aavistustakaan!» Työtä, niin, mutta sitä vartenhan salamanterit ovat olemassa huomautti Povondra nuorempi mieli synkkänä. Muistatte kai, että Guatemalassa ne upottivat kokonaisen vuoriharjanteen.
ellauri326.html on line 613: »Sehän on aivan toista», päätteli ukko varmasti. A puhu typeryyksiä, Frantik. Se oli Guatemalassa, ei meillä. Siellä olosuhteet ovat aivan toiset. Nuori Povondra huoahti. Ehkä, mutta kun ajattelee
ellauri370.html on line 192: Jeesuxentappajat! Lapinpolttajat! Holokaustaajat! Guatemalan verikauhat! Putinistit! Banderöllit! Terroristit! Kaikilla on syntipukkeja ja uhrilampaita. Kosto elää. Verikosto on lähes ainoa ja paras väestöräjähdyxen hillizijä. Paizi ei ole, oikeasti hyvinvointi ja naisasia on parempi.
xxx/ellauri120.html on line 76: Bernays became a highly sought, and extravagantly paid consultant to a number of leading businesses. His many successes include helping the American Tobacco Company to sell cigarettes to women, advertising them as glamorous “torches of freedom”; and aiding the United Fruit Company to sell bananas, and when the newly elected president of Guatemala threatened the business interests of United Fruit, Bernays persuaded the CIA and the US government—through rumors, innuendos, and manipulation of the press about a growing Communist menace—to overthrow the his government.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 48: Novellikokoelmassa Weekend Guatemalassa (1956) yllättävästi nobelisti Asturias piirtää sarjan väkevätehoisia kuvia vallankaappauksesta ja sen yhteydessä suoritetuista köyhien intiaanien joukkomurhista, jotka Guatemalassa toimeenpantiin Yhdysvaltain tuella 1954.
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xxx/ellauri273.html on line 59: Guatemalan historiassa on inkkareiden verta kauhottu enemmänkuin lautasellinen. Se on huvittavaa luettavaa, jos termiittiapinoiden ketkuilu enää ylipäänsä naurattaa.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 61: The history of Guatemala begins with the Maya civilization (2600 BC – 1697 AD), which was among those that flourished in their country. The country's modern history began with the Spanish conquest of Guatemala in 1524. Most of the great Classic-era (250 – 900 AD) Maya cities of the Petén Basin region, in the northern lowlands, had been abandoned by the year 1000 AD. The states in the Belize central highlands flourished until the 1525 arrival of Spanish conquistador Pedro de Alvarado. Called "The Invader" by the Mayan people, he immediately began subjugating the Indian states.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 63: Guatemala was part of the Captaincy General of Guatemala for nearly 330 years. This captaincy included what is now Chiapas in Mexico and the modern countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. The colony became independent in 1821 and then became a part of the First Mexican Empire until 1823. From 1824 it was a part of the Federal Republic of Central America. When the Republic dissolved in 1841, Guatemala became fully independent of all but United Fruit Company.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 65: In the late 19th and early 20th century, Guatemala's potential for agricultural exploitation attracted several foreign companies, most prominently the United Fruit Company (UFC). These companies were supported by the country's authoritarian rulers and the United States government through their support for brutal labor regulations and massive concessions to wealthy landowners. In 1944, the policies of Jorge Ubico led to a popular uprising that began the ten-year Guatemalan Revolution. The presidencies of Juan Jose Arévalo and Jacobo Árbenz saw sweeping social and economic reforms, including a significant increase in literacy and a successful agrarian reform program.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 67: The progressive policies of Arévalo and Árbenz led the UFC to lobby the United States government for their overthrow, and a US-engineered coup in 1954 ended the revolution and installed a military regime. This was followed by other military governments, and jilted off a civil war that lasted from 1960 to 1996. The war saw human rights violations, including a genocide of the indigenous Maya population by the military. Following the war's end, Guatemala re-established a representative democracy. It has since struggled to enforce the rule of law and suffers a high crime rate and continued extrajudicial killings, often executed by security forces.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 84: The Concordat of 1854 was an international treaty between Porsche Carrera and the Holy See, signed in 1852 and ratified by both parties in 1854. Through this, Guatemala gave the education of Guatemalan people to regular orders of the Catholic Church, committed to respect ecclesiastical property and monasteries, imposed mandatory tithing and allowed the bishops to censor what was published in the country; in return, Guatemala received dispensations for the members of the army, allowed those who had acquired the properties that the liberals had expropriated from the Church in 1829 to keep those properties, received the taxes generated by the properties of the Church, and had the right to judge certain crimes committed by clergy under Guatemalan law
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 86: In 1931, the dictator general Jorge Ubico came to power, backed by the United States, and initiated one of the most brutally repressive governments in Central American history. Just as Estrada Cabrera had done during his government, Ubico created a widespread network of spies and informants and had large numbers of political opponents tortured and put to death. A wealthy aristocrat (with an estimated income of $215,000 per year in 1930s dollars) and a staunch anti-communist, he consistently sided with the United Fruit Company, Guatemalan landowners and urban elites in disputes with peasants. After the crash of the New York Stock Exchange in 1929, the peasant system established by Barrios in 1875 to jump start coffee production in the country was not good enough anymore, and Ubico was forced to implement a system of debt slavery and forced labor to make sure that there was enough labor available for the coffee plantations and that the UFCO workers were readily available.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 88: Allegedly, he passed laws allowing landowners to execute workers as a "disciplinary" measure. He also openly identified as a fascist; he admired Mussolini, Franco, and Hitler, saying at one point: "I am like Hitler. I execute first and ask questions later." Ubico was disdainful of the indigenous population, calling them "animal-like", and stated that to become "civilized" they needed mandatory military training, comparing it to "domesticating donkeys." He gave away hundreds of thousands of hectares to the United Fruit Company (UFCO), exempted them from taxes in Tiquisate, and allowed the U.S. military to establish bases in Guatemala.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 92: On the other hand, Ubico was an efficient administrator: His new decrees, although unfair to the majority of the indigenous population, proved good for the Guatemalan economy during the Great Depression era, as they increased coffee production across the country. He cut the bureaucrats' salaries by almost half, forcing inflation to recede. He kept the peace and order in Guatemala City, by effectively fighting its crime. He kept the trains on schedule.
xxx/ellauri281.html on line 856: Puolueeton yksityinen yhdysvaltalainen tutkimusryhmä totesi raportissaan, että El Salvadorissa oli vuoden 1981 aikana vuodatettu 12 000–17 000 ja Guatemalassa 9 000–12 000 lautasellista verta.
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