ellauri028.html on line 391: Farmer have you a daughter fair
ellauri028.html on line 393: Farmer have you a daughter fair
ellauri028.html on line 395: Farmer have you a daughter fair
ellauri115.html on line 960: The Racovian Catechism makes muted reference to the devil in seven places which prompts the 1818 translator Thomas Rees, to footnote references to the works of Hugh Farmer (1761) and John Simpson (1804). Yet these references are in keeping with the somewhat subdued handling of the devil in the Biblioteca Fratrum Polonorum. The Collegia Vicentina at Vicenza (1546) had questioned not only the existence of the devil but even of angels. Word has it that the personal boll weevil was none other than Sozzini himself.
ellauri162.html on line 268: Que peuvent donc avoir de commun les écrivains Marcel Camus, Marcel Aymé, Jean-Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, Louis Aragon, Jacques Prévert, Georges Bernanos, Aimé Césaire, Bernard Clavel, Guy de Maupassant, Georges Sand, les peintres Claude Monet, Gustave Courbet, Honoré Daumier, les compositeurs Hector Berlioz, Maurice Ravel, les politiciens Philippe Seguin (de droite), Jack Ralite (de gauche), le syndicaliste Edmond Maire, le philosophe Jacques Bouveresse, les chanteurs et poètes Georges Brassens, Léo Ferré, l'acteur et humoriste Bourvil, les actrices Catherine Deneuve, Claudia Cardinale, Brigitte Bardot, la chanteuse Mylène Farmer, la madame Miss France Geneviève de Fontenay, les prix Nobel de physique Pierre et Marie Curie, le médecin humanitaire Anne-Marie Gouvet, la chercheuse spécialiste des cancers professionnels Annie Thiebaud-Mony, ou tout récemment le dessinateur de bandes dessinées Tardy… ?
ellauri321.html on line 99: This little volume had made its mark on both sides of the Atlantic not many years before Hazlitt noticed it. It appeared in London in 1782 with this somewhat ponderous title-page: Letters from an American Farmer, Describing Certain Provincial Situations, Manners and Customs, and Conveying Some Idea Of The State Of The People Of North America, Written xi to a Friend in England, By J. Hector St. John, A Farmer In Pennsylvania. Tästä varmaan radikaali Mary otti matkakirjaan mallia.
ellauri321.html on line 101: A new English edition appeared in the year following, and an American reprint of the editio princeps was brought out by Matthew Carey in Philadelphia in 1793. In the meantime its author, whose full name was J. Hector Saint John de Crèvecoeur, had himself translated the book into French, adding to it very considerably, and publishing it in Paris in 1784.* A second French edition, still further enlarged and containing excellent maps and plates, appeared in 1787. These bibliographical facts are significant. They show that for at least twenty years, probably for a much longer period, the “Letters from an American Farmer” was an important interpreter of the New World to the Old. It seems to have been in answer to a demand aroused by his first book that Crèvecoeur ventured to treat the same theme once more. But the three bulky volumes of his “Journey in Upper Pennsylvania” (1801) contain little that is now or illuminating.
ellauri321.html on line 103: Among other books there fell into a guy named Hazlitt's hands a little volume of double interest to him by reason of his own early sojourn in America, and in a fitting connection he gave it a word of praise. In the Edinburgh Review for October, 1829, he speaks of it as giving one an idea “how American scenery and manners may be treated with a lively poetic interest. The pictures are sometimes highly colored, but they are vivid and strikingly characteristic.” “The author,” he continues, “gives not only the objects, but the feelings of a new country.” Hazlitt had read the book and had been delighted with it nearly a quarter of a century before he wrote of it, and in the earliest years of the century he had commended it warmly to his friends. In November, 1805, Lamb wrote: “Oh, tell Hazlitt not to forget the American Farmer. I dare say it is not so good as he fancies; but a book's a book.”* And it is this book, which not only gained the sympathies of Hazlitt and Charles Lamb, but also by its idealized treatment of American country life may possibly have stirred, as Professor Moses Coit Tyler thought, the imaginations of Byron and Coleridge.
ellauri321.html on line 108: In 1747, in his sixteenth year, Crèvecoeur was sent by his family to England in order to complete his education. But the young man was of an adventurous spirit, and after a sojourn of about seven years in England, he set sail for Canada, where for the years 1758–59 he served in the French army. In 1764, after some residence in Pennsylvania, he became a naturalized citizen of New York, and five years later settled on a farm in Ulster County. Here, with his wife, Mahetable Tiffet of Yonkers, he lived the peaceful life of many idyllic years during which he gathered the materials for his book. Obviously enough he did not always remain on his farm, but viewed many parts of the country with a quietly observing eye. These journeys are recorded in his pages. He explored pretty thoroughly the settled portions of the States of New York and Pennsylvania, saw something of New England, and also penetrated westward to the limits of the colonies. He went as far South as Charleston, and may have visited Jamaica. Beyond such journeyings we may imagine these years to have xiv have been quite barren of events, serene and peaceful, until the storm of the Revolution began to break. It is not until 1779 that anything of import is again recorded of Crèvecoeur. In that year he made an attempt to return to Normandy, but the sudden appearance of a French fleet in the harbor of New York causing him to be suspected as a spy, he was imprisoned for three months. He was then permitted to sail, and, on his arrival in England, sold for thirty guineas his “Letters from an American Farmer,” which were published at London in 1782, the year after he reached France.
xxx/ellauri273.html on line 262: Vuonna 1895 korkein oikeus katsoi yleisen (eli siis omaisuus-)tuloveron perustuslain vastaiseksi jakamattomana välittömänä verona, mikä erotti sen yritys- tai työtuloverosta, jota tuomioistuin kuvaili sallituksi valmisteveroksi (välillinen vero). Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & Trust Co. (1895). Sitä vastoin tuomioistuin katsoi vuonna 1911, että yhtiötulovero oli perustuslain mukainen yhtenäinen valmistevero – eräänlainen välillinen vero. Flint v. Stone Tracy Co. (1911). Tuomioistuin päätteli, että alkuperäinen tulovero kohdistui suoraan ihmisiin, kun taas yhteisövero kohdistui yhteisöön: ihmiset saattoivat kärsiä verosta korkeampien hintojen tai pienempien voittojen vuoksi, mutta he tekisivät sen epäsuorasti. Vuonna 1913 kuudestoista muutos hyväksyi jakamattoman veron "lähteestä saaduista tuloista" (eli siis omaisuuden myynti- ym. voitosta). Maa hyväksyi muutoksen vuonna 1895 tehdyn Pollock -päätöksen kumoamiseksi. Monet myöhemmät päätökset ovat painineet "johdannaisen" vaatimuksen kanssa. Paras kuvaus edellyttää, että tulot muodostavat "selvästi toteutuneen vaurauden lisän, jota veronmaksaja hallitsee kokonaan". Commissioner v. Glenshaw Glass (1955).
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