ellauri309.html on line 133: yhtäläisyyksiä ja julkaisi vertailukelpoiset kohdat Internetiin. Daley oli entinen supertähti, jolla oli yli 200 miljoonaa romaania painettuina tapahtuman aikaan, ja Roberts oli romanssien "kuumin uusi kirjoittaja"". Roberts
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 560: This story later repeats the Teenset report that Mayor Daley used the phrase “Ewige Blumenkraft” during his incoherent diatribe against Abe Ribicoff.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 570: In the weeks leading up to the 1968 Democratic National Convention, Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley turned his town into a fortress. He sealed the manhole covers with tar, so protesters couldn’t hide in the sewers. He installed a fence topped with barbed wire around the Chicago International Amphitheater. He put the entire police force on shifts and called in National Guardsmen. Secret Service and FBI agents were also on duty, as the city braced for protesters who would soon arrive to protest against political assassinations, urban riots and the raging Vietnam War.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 584: But Chicago was different. Not just because Cronkite was sympathetic to the youngsters in the streets, but because he lost his cool. After his correspondent, Dan Rather, was punched in the solar plexus by a Chicago plainclothes security man on the delegate floor, Cronkite let loose, saying, “I think we’ve got a bunch of thugs here, Dan.” Asked once why Cronkite was so trusted, his wife had responded, “he looks like everyone’s dentist.” But in calling out Daley’s thugs, he had given his conservative viewers a surprise root canal.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 586: Cronkite thanked Rather “for staying in there, pitching despite every handicap that they can possibly put in our way from free flow of information at this Democratic National Convention.” Cronkite clearly suspected that Daley had purposely avoided resolving the electrical workers’ strike in order to hinder network coverage. “Dick Daley’s a fine fellow, but when his strong hand is turned agin’ you, as the press has felt it was on this occasion, he’s a tough adversary.”
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 588: Daley prepared for the convention like a general going into battle. When rioting had erupted in Chicago four months earlier following The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, the police had been unable to seize control. Venting his disappointment, Daley had said that his police superintendent should have ordered his force to “shoot to maim” looters and “shoot to kill” arsonists. He vowed not to be caught short again.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 590: The mayor was a masterful machine politician, but he lacked nuance in his understanding of mass media. He refused permits for protesters, as if that would keep them from protesting and, therefore, prevent journalists from covering them. He had crude “We Love Mayor Daley” signs made, and had city workers to hold them up in front of the cameras. He stuck decals of himself on the phones in every delegate’s hotel room, which was a particularly dunderheaded move given that the city was in the middle of an electrical workers’ strike that made the phones all but useless.
xxx/ellauri167.html on line 592: To his advantage, however, was the fact that he had microphone access whenever he wanted it. But at a key moment, he pointedly chose not to take the mic. When Ribicoff made his crack about “Gestapo tactics in the streets of Chicago” from the dais, Daley stood up and shouted from the floor “Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch, you lousy motherfucker, go home!” The forceful exclamation, shown on live TV, was later deciphered by lip readers. Friends said Daley called Ribicoff not a “fucker,” but a “faker.” Enemies suggested he had called him not a “Jew” but a “kike.” The CBS newsman who was closest simply reported that Daley had gone bright red with anger.
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